ওদের রুখে দাঁড়ান এখনই – এই মুহূর্তে নারী নীতিমালার বিরোধী মৌলবাদীদের রুখে দেয়ার ঘোষণা দিয়েছে নারী সমাজ। একই আমিনীকে গ্রেফতার দাবি
বিভিন্ন রাজনৈতিক দলের জাতীয় নেতৃবৃন্দ ঔদ্ধত্যপূর্ণ বক্তব্যের জন্য ইসলামী ঐক্যজোটের একাংশের চেয়ারম্যান এবং ইসলামী আইন বাস্তবায়ন কমিটির আমির ফজলুল হক আমিনীকে অবিলম্বে গ্রেফতারের দাবি জানিয়েছেন। আমিনী শুক্রবার জাতীয় প্রেসক্লাব মিলনায়তনে আয়োজিত এক সমাবেশে বাংলাদেশে ২০ হাজার মাদ্রাসা রয়েছে উলেস্নখ করে বলেন, তার ডাকের সঙ্গে সঙ্গে তারা সাড়া দেবে এবং এক ঘণ্টার নোটিসে দেশ অচল করে দিতে পারে। আমিনীর এই হুমকির জবাবে বাংলাদেশের ওয়ার্কার্স পার্টির সভাপতি রাশেদ খান মেনন এমপি শনিবার বাসসকে বলেন, আমিনীরা ক্ষুদ্র রাজনৈতিক স্বার্থে ধর্ম এবং মাদ্রাসাকে ব্যবহার করছেন। তিনি বলেন, আমিনী ধর্মের কথা বলে কোমলমতি মাদ্রাসার শিশুদের বিপথে চালু করছেন। এতে পুরো মাদ্রাসা শিৰা ব্যবস্থা ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত হবে। খবর বাসস’র।
রাশেদ খান মেনন বলেন, ২০ হাজার মাদ্রাসা আমিনীর অধীনস্থ কোন প্রতিষ্ঠান নয়। এগুলো জনগণ এবং রাষ্ট্রের। মাদ্রাসা শিৰার জন্য বর্তমান মহাজোট সরকার যেসব পদৰেপ নিয়েছে তাতে তিনি আশা করেন, শিক্ষার্থীরাই ধর্মের অপব্যবহারকে প্রতিহত করবে এবং আমিনীর ডাকে সাড়া দেবে না। বাংলাদেশের কমিউনিস্ট পার্টির সাধারণ সম্পাদক মুজাহিদুল ইসলাম সেলিম বলেছেন, আমিনী এমন একটা দল করেন যা সাংগঠনিকভাবে অবৈধ।
সংবিধানের ৩৮ নম্বর ধারায় কোন ব্যক্তির ধর্মভিত্তিক রাজনৈতিক দল করার অধিকার নেই উলেস্নখ করে তিনি বলেন, আমিনীর দলের অফিস এখনও কেন তাকে তালাবদ্ধ করা হচ্ছে না এবং সংবিধান লঙ্ঘন করে রাজনৈতিক তৎপরতা চালানোর জন্য এখনও কেন গ্রেফতার করা হচ্ছে না সেটাই জনগণের প্রশ্ন। মুজাহিদুল ইসলাম সেলিম বলেন, মাদ্রাসার ছাত্ররাও একাত্তরের মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সঙ্গে ছিল। সেই সময়ও স্বাধীনতা বিরোধীরা তাদের বিভ্রান্ত করার চেষ্টা করেছিল।
তিনি বলেন, একাত্তরে তাদের সেই ষড়যন্ত্র যেমন ব্যর্থ হয়েছিল এখনও তা হবে। তবে এ ব্যাপারে একাত্তরের মতো দলমত নির্বিশেষে সমসত্ম দেশবাসীকে আবারও রাজপথে নামতে হবে বলে তিনি উলেস্নখ করেন। মুজাহিদুল ইসলাম সেলিম আমিনীর এই বক্তব্যকে দুঃসাহস বললেও কম বলা হবে উলেস্নখ করে তার গ্রেফতারের দাবি জানান। জাতীয় সমাজতান্ত্রিক দলের (জাসদ) সভাপতি হাসানুল হক ইনু এমপি বলেন, একাত্তরের মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সময়ও আমিনীরা এ ধরনের হুমকি-ধমকি দিয়েছিলেন। তিনি বলেন, ২০ হাজার মাদ্রাসার মালিক জনগণ, সামপ্রদায়িক ধর্ম ব্যবসায়ী আমিনীরা নয়। আমিনীর নামের আগে মাওলানা শব্দটি বাদ দেয়া উচিত উলেস্নখ করে হাসানুল হক ইনু বলেন, যারা এভাবে রাষ্ট্রের বিরম্নদ্ধে হুমকি-ধমকি দেয় এবং অগণতান্ত্রিক এবং সামপ্রদায়িক কথা বলে তাদের জেলে রাখা উচিত। তিনি আমিনীর এই হুমকি-ধমকিকে ফাঁকা আওয়াজ বলে উলেস্নখ করেন। রাজাকার নিধনের সঙ্গে সঙ্গে দেশ থেকে ধর্মব্যবসায়ী ও জঙ্গীবাদকে উৎখাত করার প্রত্যয় ঘোষণা করেন তাঁরা। রবিবার জাতীয় প্রেসক্লাবের সামনে এক মানববন্ধন কর্মসূচী থেকে বিভিন্ন শ্রেণী-পেশার নারী নেতৃত্বরা এই ঘোষণা দেন। সাংসদ নাজমা আক্তারের সভাপতিত্বে অনুষ্ঠিত মানববন্ধনে বক্তব্য রাখেন সংসদ উপনেতা সৈয়দা সাজেদা চৌধুরী, পান্না কায়ছার, এ্যাডভোকেট তারানা হালিম, মহিলা পরিষদের সভাপতি আয়েশা খানম, সাংসদ আমেনা বেগম, মেহের আফরাজ চুমকি, সাগুপ্তা ইয়াসমীন এমিলি, জোবেদা খাতুন, মহিলা লীগের ফারম্নল আক্তার প্রমুখ। এছাড়াও বিভিন্ন শ্রেণী-পেশার শত শত নারী মানববন্ধনে উপস্থিত ছিলেন। নারীনীতির বিরোধিতাকারীদের ধিক্কার জানিয়ে সংসদ উপনেতা সৈয়দা সাজেদা চৌধুরী বলেন, একটি গোষ্ঠী ধর্মকে নিজের করে নিয়েছে। তারা ধর্মকে ব্যবসা হিসেবে নিয়ে নারীদের বিরম্নদ্ধে বিভিন্ন ধরনের ফতোয়া দিয়ে তাদের ঘরে বন্দী করে নির্যাতন করতে চায়। নারীনীতির বিরম্নদ্ধে হরতালের ডাক দেয়া ইসলামী ঐক্যজোটের আমীর মুফতি ফজলুল হক আমিনীকে উদ্দেশ করে সাজেদা চৌধুরী বলেন, মৌলবাদীর ডাকা হরতালকে দেশের মানুষ প্রতিহত করবে। কারণ তিনি যে একটি মাদ্রাসা প্রতিষ্ঠা করে দেশে জঙ্গী সৃষ্টি করছেন তা দেশের মানুষ জানে। সাজেদা চৌধুরী বলেন, এই সরকার সব সময় নারী উন্নয়নে কাজ করে। যে জন্য সরকারে থেকেও আজকে আমাদের পথে দাঁড়াতে হয়েছে। আমিনীকে উদ্দেশ করে তিনি বলেন, আমিনী যেভাবে ধর্মের দোহাই দেন সেভাবে মনে হয় তিনি ধর্মকে দখল করে নিয়েছেন। অন্য বক্তারা বলেন, আমিনীর ঢাকা হরতালকে জনগণকে সঙ্গে নিয়ে নারীরা প্রতিহত করবে। একই সঙ্গে ফতোয়াবাজদের রম্নখে দেবে নারীরা। বিরোধী দলীয় নেত্রী খালেদা জিয়াকে উদ্দেশ করে তাঁরা বলেন, একজন নারী হয়ে তিনি কিভাবে নারী আইনের বিরম্নদ্ধে হরতাল দিয়েছেন দেশের নারী সমাজের কাছে তা বোধগম্য নয়। এ সময় বক্তারা খালেদা জিয়াকে দেশের ও নারীদের শত্রম্ন আখ্যা দিয়ে বলেন, ১৯৭১ সালে যে সকল স্বাধীনতাবিরোধীরা নারীদের নির্বিচারে নির্যাতন করেছে তিনি তাদের মন্ত্রী বানিয়েছেন। সেই চিহ্নিত ধর্ষণকারীদের সঙ্গে এক টেবিলে বসেন। এটা নারী জাতির জন্য কলঙ্কজনক। নারী নেতৃবৃন্দ বলেন, হরতাল আহ্বানকারীরা হরতাল সফল হওয়ার যে স্বপ্ন দেখছেন তা কখনও সফল হবে না। বরং মানুষ হরতালে থুথু নিক্ষেপ করবে।
যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের বিচার বানচাল করতে জামায়াত-শিবির ও জঙ্গীদের মদদ দিয়ে মাঠে নামাচ্ছে ইসলামী ব্যাংক, হাসপাতাল, শিক্ষাপ্রতিষ্ঠান, এনজিও ও বিভিন্ন ইসলামী নামের সংগঠন। সরকারকে বেকায়দায় ফেলার জন্য নাশকতা ও ধ্বংসাত্মক কর্মকা- চালিয়ে তৎপরতা চালাচ্ছে তারা। শনিবার রাজধানীতে গ্রেফতার হওয়া ১৭ শিবির ও জঙ্গীকে রিমান্ডে নিয়ে জিজ্ঞাসাবাদে এই ধরনের তথ্য পেয়েছে পুলিশ ও গোয়েন্দারা।
শনিবার ঢাকার কাকরাইলের ইসলামী ব্যাংক হাসপাতালে জড়ো হয়ে যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের মুক্তির দাবিতে মিছিল করার সময় পুলিশের সঙ্গে সংঘর্ষে লিপ্ত হয়ে হামলা, ভাংচুর ও লুটপাটের ঘটনায় গ্রেফতার হয় ১৭ শিবির-জঙ্গী। ইসলামী ব্যাংক হাসপাতালে জড়ো হয়ে অর্ধশতাধিক শিবির ও জঙ্গী যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের মুক্তির দাবিতে সেস্নাগানসহ মিছিল করার সময় পুলিশ বাধা দিলে সংঘর্ষ বেধে যায়। শিবির ও জঙ্গীরা ভাংচুর, লুটপাট ও পুলিশকে লৰ্য করে ইটপাটকেল নিৰেপ করার সময় ১৭ শিবির ও জঙ্গীকে গ্রেফতার করে রিমান্ডে নিয়ে জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ করা হয়। জিজ্ঞাসাবাদে যুদ্ধাপরাধীর বিচার বানচাল ছাড়াও জঙ্গীদের সংগঠিত করে রাজধানী ঢাকা-ঢাকার বাইরে বড় ধরনের নাশকতা ও ধ্বংসাত্মক কর্মকা- চালানোর নীল-নকশার কথা জানতে পেরেছে পুলিশ ও গোয়েন্দারা।
এর আগে যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের গ্রেফতারের পর তাদের মুক্তির দাবিতে নাশকতার পরিকল্পনা নিয়ে মাঠে নামানো খোদ ঢাকা থেকেই অনত্মত ৪০ জামায়াত-শিবির নেতাকর্মীকে গ্রেফতার করা হয়েছে। উদ্ধার করা হয়েছে শক্তিশালী বোমা। জিজ্ঞাসাবাদে গ্রেফতারকৃতরা জানিয়েছে, বিভিন্নস্থানে যুদ্ধাপরাধী ও জঙ্গীদের নিয়ে জামায়াত ক্যাডাররা ব্যাপক বোমাবাজি, গ্রেনেড হামলা ও স্পর্শকাতর স্থানে হামলার প্রস্তুতি নিচ্ছে। রাজধানীর আরামবাগের জামায়াত-শিবিরের মেসের পাশ থেকে র্যাব ও পুলিশ অভিযান চালিয়ে ৪টি শক্তিশালী হাত বোমা উদ্ধার করেছে। মতিঝিল থানায় এই ব্যাপারে বিস্ফোরক আইনে মামলা হয়েছে। কুষ্টিয়ায় দুই জামায়াত নেতাকে শক্তিশালী হাতবোমাসহ গ্রেফতার করা হয়।
জামায়াত-শিবির ও জঙ্গীরা এর আগে গত বছর পল্টন ও কাকরাইল এলাকায় জঙ্গী মিছিল বের করে। এ সময় পুলিশের সঙ্গে জামায়াত-শিবির নেতাকর্মীদের দফায় দফায় ধাওয়া-পাল্টা ধাওয়া হয়। পুলিশের ধাওয়া খেয়ে বিভিন্ন গলিতে অবস্থান নিয়ে পুলিশের ওপর ইটপাটকেল দিয়ে চোরাগুপ্তা হামলা চালায় জামায়াত-শিবির নেতাকর্মীরা। এ সময় পুলিশ ১১ জামায়াত-শিবির ও জঙ্গীকে গ্রেফতার করে। গ্রেফতারকৃত ১১ জামায়াত_শিবির ও জঙ্গী সদস্যকে জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ করা হয়। তাদের জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ করে পুলিশ ও গোয়েন্দা সংস্থা গুরম্নত্বপূর্ণ ও চাঞ্চল্যকর তথ্য পায়।
গত বছর গ্রেফতার করা হয় ২৫ জামায়াত_শিবির ও জঙ্গীকে। জামায়াতের পলাতক সাবেক এমপি ডা. সৈয়দ আবদুলস্নাহ মোহাম্মদ তাহের নির্দেশ ও উস্কানি দিয়ে মাঠে নামায় তাদের। যুদ্ধাপরাধীর বিচারপ্রক্রিয়া বানচাল ও আটক শীর্ষ জামায়াত নেতাদের মুক্তির জন্য নাশকতা ও ধ্বংসাত্মক কর্মকা- চালানোর প্রস্তুতি নিচ্ছিল তারা। জামায়াত_শিবিরের গ্রেফতারকৃত ২৫ কর্মী-ক্যাডারকে জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ, অনুসন্ধান ও তদনত্মে এই ধরনের তথ্য পেয়েছে পুলিশ এবং গোয়েন্দারা। জামায়াতের সাবেক এমপি ডা. আবদুলস্নাহ তাহের জাতীয় প্রেসক্লাবে গত ৪ আগস্ট গোলটেবিল বৈঠকে বলেছিলেন, তাদের রিজার্ভ ফোর্স রেডি আছে। যে কোন সময়ে তারা মাঠে নামবে। তারপর জামায়াত_শিবিরের ২৫ ক্যাডার একত্রিত হয়ে মাঠে নামার প্রস্তুতি নেয়ার সময়ে গ্রেফতার হয়। পুলিশ ও গোয়েন্দারা পলাতক জামায়ায় নেতার বক্তব্যের সঙ্গে গ্রেফতারকৃতদের মাঠে নামার সম্পৃক্ততার সাদৃশ্য খুঁজে পেয়েছে।
এর আগে রাজধানীর শাহআলী থানাধীন উত্তর বিশালের বাড়ি থেকে জঙ্গী ও জামায়াত_শিবির ক্যাডারদের আসত্মানা থেকে উদ্ধার করা হয়েছে বিপুল পরিমাণ অস্ত্র, বিস্ফোরকদ্রব্য ও জিহাদী বই। গাজীপুরের কালিয়াকৈর থানার রতনপুর থেকে ঢাকার মোহাম্মদপুর থানা ছাত্রশিবিরের সভাপতি আবদুলস্নাহ জায়েদ বিন ছাবিদকে গ্রেফতার করে তাকে জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ করা হয়। জিজ্ঞাসাবাদে সে জানিয়েছে, জামায়াত_শিবির সংগঠিত হয়ে মাঠে নামার প্রস্তুতি গ্রহণ করেছে। অস্ত্র ও গোলাবারম্নদ মজুদের চেষ্টা করে যাচ্ছে।
গোয়েন্দা ও পুলিশের কর্মকর্তারা জানান, জামায়াতের সাবেক এমপি ডা. তাহের ও ইসলামী ছাত্রশিবিরের সভাপতিকে গ্রেফতারের জন্য মগবাজার জামায়াতে ইসলামীর কেন্দ্রীয় অফিসে একাধিকবার অভিযান চালানো হয়। তাদের গ্রেফতার করা যায়নি। আত্মগোপনে থেকে তারা যুদ্ধাপরাধী, শিবির ও জঙ্গীদের সংগঠিত করে নাশকতা ও ধ্বংসাত্মক কর্মকা- চালানোর উস্কানি ও নির্দেশ দিচ্ছে। জামায়াত_শিবিরের রিজার্ভ ফোর্সের সদস্যরা এখন নাশকতা, ধ্বংসাত্মক কর্মকা- চালানোর কৌশল গ্রহণ করেছে বলে বিভিন্ন সময়ে জামায়াত_শিবির ও জঙ্গী সদস্যরা গ্রেফতারের পর জিজ্ঞাসাবাদে গুরম্নত্বপূর্ণ ও চাঞ্চল্যকর তথ্য দিয়েছে। শনিবার রাজধানী ঢাকার কাকরাইল এলাকায় যুদ্ধাপরাধীদের মুক্তির দাবিতে মিছিল করার সময়ে পুলিশের সঙ্গে সংঘর্ষে লিপ্ত হওয়ার সময় গ্রেফতারকৃত ১৭ জামায়াত-শিবির ও জঙ্গীকে রিমান্ডে নিয়ে জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ করা হয়েছে। গ্রেফতারকৃত ১৭ জামায়াত-শিবির ও জঙ্গীকে জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ করে দেশে বিশৃঙ্খলা ও নৈরাজ্য সৃষ্টির উদ্দেশ্যে নাশকতা ও ধ্বংসাত্মক কর্মকা- চালানোর তথ্য পাওয়া গেছে।
শতাধিক যান ভাংচুর ॥ রিক্সাওয়ালাদের আকস্মিক তাণ্ডব !!
০ কয়েক এলাকায় রিক্সা চলাচল বন্ধ ও অবৈধ রিক্সা আটকের প্রতিবাদ
০ পুলিশের সঙ্গে দফায় দফায় সংঘর্ষ
০ যানজট দুর্ভোগ দোকানপাট বন্ধ
০ ব্যাটারিচালিত রিক্সাচালকদের মারধর
০ আহত ১০, আটক ১০
রাজধানীকে যানজটমুক্ত করতে অবৈধ রিক্সা উচ্ছেদ অভিযানকে কেন্দ্র করে এবং বিভিন্ন সড়কে রিক্সা চলাচল বন্ধের প্রতিবাদে ঢাকায় রিঙ্াচালকরা শতাধিক যান ভাংচুর করেছে। এ সময় রিক্সাচালকদের সঙ্গে আইনশৃঙ্খলা রৰাকারী বাহিনীর দফায় দফায় সংঘর্ষ হয়। সংঘর্ষে অনত্মত ১০ জন আহত হয়েছেন। পুলিশ ১০ জনকে আটক করেছে। আটককৃতরা প্রকৃত পৰে রিক্সাাচালক কিনা তা খতিয়ে দেখা হচ্ছে।
Bangabondhu, Bangladesh and our independence have very closed relation. Bangabondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had one of the great nationalizes leader in the world. Bangabondhu (http://www.humanrightstoday.info/?p=714) was the pioneer and architect of independent Bangladesh and its sovereignty. His political prudence, indomitable courage, eloquence and powerful leadership motivated the countrymen to join in the war of liberation.
Ebarer shongram amader shadhinathar shongram
Bangabondhu proclaimed independence on March 26 in 1971 and the people dived into nine months long bloody battle and achieved the long desired sweetest freedom, He also gave restless effort to represent an esteemed Bangalee nation on the world stage. His golden-etched name will remain in the history of Bangalees and Bangladesh forever. But our nation has been waiting from 34 years for justice his brutal murders.
August 15 in 1975 is a black-chapter in the history of Bangalee nation. Bangabondhu and his family members were ruthlessly murdered by anti liberation force and with the help of army member in this day. And the nation incurred an irretrievable loss. The nation is deeply shocked and full with grief for this shameful incident. Now, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Bangabondhu is the main target by killer’s group especially Islamic militant group.
sheikh russell
The country today observes National Mourning Day on the 34th death anniversary of Father of the Nation Bangabondhu, with a vow to implement the longstanding High Court verdict in the case in connection with his murder. The day is a public holiday. The government chalked out nationwide programmes to observe the day at the state level. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina (she is a daughter of Bangabondhu), will visit her father’s grave at Tungipara under Gopalgonj district today. Along with ruling Awami League (AL), different political parties, and student and socio-cultural organizations also planned programmes to mourn the killings of Bangabondhu and most of his family members on this day in 1975. Three separate attacks on this day 34 years ago left 24 people killed. Bangabandhu’s two daughters — Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana — could escape the bloodbath as they were abroad at the time. The victims also including wife of Bangabondhu Begum Fazilatunnesa Mujib, sons Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and nine-year-old Sheikh Russell, daughters-in-law Sultana Kamal and Parveen Jamal, brother Sheikh Naser, nephew Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni and his wife Begum Arju Moni, brother-in-law Abdur Rab Serniabat, 13-year-old Baby Serniabat, Serniabat’s son Arif and four-year-old grandson Babu, three guests, Bangabondhu’s four domestic helps, and his security chief Col Jamil Uddin Ahmed.
ahsan ullah master এম পি
Bangabondhu united the Bangalees to throw off the shackles of Pakistani oppression and steered them towards independence. His stirring speech on March 7, 1971, before a crowd of lakhs ready to stake everything for freedom, left an indelible imprint on the nation’s memory. For 21 long years, his killers had been immune from prosecution due to the Indemnity Ordinance, which was finally repealed in 1996, paving the way for trials of the killers. A murder case was filed on October 2, 1996. In November 1998, a trial court awarded death penalty to 15 former army officers for killing Bangabondhu and his family members. The High Court (HC) upheld the death sentences of 12. Five of the condemned — dismissed army personnel Lt Col Syed Farooq-ur Rahman, Lt Col Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan, Lt Col Muhiuddin Ahmed, Maj AKM Mahiuddin Ahmed, and Maj Bazlul Huda — are behind bars while six are hiding abroad. Another condemned Aziz Pasha died. The five condemned convicts filed separate appeals with the Appellate Division of Supreme Court in the last week of October 2007 against their death sentences pronounced by the HC.Law Minister Shafique Ahmed recently told journalists that hearings of the appeals will start soon as there is no shortage of judges in the Supreme Court now. The condemned six still at large are Shariful Haque Dalim, AKM Mahiuddin, Rashed Chowdhury, Nur Chowdhury, Abdul Mazed, and Moslemuddin.
Ivy Rahman
In the daily Star published a special report on 15 August of 1975. The report says. Islamic radicalism, menacing the nation for years now, was something India and the United States learnt to dread soon after the assassination of Bangabondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Documents lately declassified by the US Office of the Historian show the apprehension had its roots in the perception that Bangabondhu’s killers–all military officers–were “pro-US, anti-Soviet Union, Islamic, and less pro-Indian than the past leadership”.
The August 15 bloodbath in 1975 left Mujib and most of his family butchered and his party in total disarray. It led to the assumption that Pakistan would regain its sway on the nation it sought to subdue only a few years back. In the context of the cold war dynamics, India and the US were also concerned that China, which recognized Bangladesh only after August 1975, might help radical communist elements thrive in the delta sliding into militocracy. All these worries were reflected in a conversation between the then US secretary of state Henry Kissinger and Indian external minister YB Chavan.
The US Office of the Historian, which is responsible for preparation and publication of the official historical documentary record of American foreign policy, has transcript of the conversation that took place at the US Department of State on October 6, 1975. There, the discussion related to the developments in Bangladesh goes like this:
YB Chavan: The new president [Khandaker Mushtaque Ahmed] has sent us assurances that he was standing by the same policy but we are concerned, in particular, whether the new government will take an extreme Islamic posture. This would create problems for the minority in Bangladesh. If the Hindus again feel insecure, there might be a new wave of refugees. Kissinger: Is there a large minority group in Bangladesh? Chavan: About 15%. It is a major factor. So far the new government (after Mujib killing) has given assurances it would follow the same policy as Mujib, but we are naturally worried about the influence of Pakistan on Bangladesh. Kissinger: What is your impression? Chavan: They have just announced diplomatic relations. This is a good thing. Even under Mujib we recommended this. We never wanted an exclusive relationship with Bangladesh. Our worry is only this: That they might try to give a different connotation to the situation by giving an Islamic twist to things. Also the Chinese recognized [Bangladesh] only after the coup. Frankly, we are worried. There are radical communist elements in Bangladesh which the Chinese might try to help. Here we hope the US and India will have a common approach.
After a while, Kissinger asked his Indian counterpart, “What is the tendency of the [Bangladesh] military? Is it anti-Indian?” Chavan replied, “Frankly, there is some anti-Indian tendency, I am sorry to say.” At this point, Kewal Singh, the then secretary of Indian external affairs ministry, chipped in, “Some people hostile to Mujib were brought back. We don’t want to give the impression we are concerned but pro-Islamic and pro-radical groups have some strength.”
bastard war criminal Henry Kissinger & othersChavan and Kissinger met the following day as well and talked about Bangladesh. Almost immediately they got down to serious talking about political ramifications of the August 15 coup d’état. Yet again, the Indian minister said, “We are worried about Bangladesh. Radical movements are already there. If Pakistan and China converse their efforts, this could pose a problem. This would be a new factor in South Asia which needs assessment.” The secretary of state said, “Previously, the Chinese were opposed to Bangladesh. They were not among Mujib’s admirers.” As he asked if India had any advance indication of the coup, his opposite number replied, “None.”
Kissinger then observed, “People are always complaining that we don’t know about things in advance…They should realize that any coup that succeeds must have fooled someone. Mujib just couldn’t have imagined that anyone would organize a coup against him. As I understand it, your relations with Bangladesh are now good. What you are concerned about is a future possibility.”
TN Kaul, the then Indian ambassador to the US, added, “The danger is Pan Islamism.” At one point, Kissinger said, “The real worry would be if countries with resources like Saudi Arabia get radical leaders. Then there would be trouble.” Kaul said, “One reason why we banned the Jamaat Islami and RSS is that these parties were getting money from the outside.” The Kissinger-Chavan meeting gives an impression that none of the two countries had prior knowledge of the military takeover.
But the US state department’s documents suggest quite the contrary. They show that like India, the US had gathered that something sinister was brewing, and it had even informed Bangabondhu about it. Minutes of a staff meeting headed by Kissinger after August 15, show that the US was well aware of the plot. There, Kissinger was heard enquiring Alfred Atherton Jr., assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern and South Asian affairs in 1974-1978, about the assassination. Atherton said the US had lots of indications in March that some quarters were scheming to kill Mujib. Kissinger asked, “Didn’t we tell him [Mujib] about it?” The assistant secretary of state said, “We told him at the time.” As his boss pressed to know if Bangabondhu was told who it was going to be, Atherton answered, “I will have to check whether we gave him the names.” At that point, Hyland of Bureau of Intelligence and Research said, “We were a little imprecise on that.”
Referring to the US alerting Bangabondhu to the danger of an attack on him, Atherton said, “He [Mujib] brushed it off, scoffed at it, and said nobody would do a thing like that to him.” Kissinger remarked, “He was one of the world’s prize fools.” Talking about the coup leaders, Atherton said, “They are military officers, middle and senior officers, who are generally considered less pro-Indian than the past leadership; pro-US, anti-Soviet.” The secretary of state responded, “Absolutely inevitable.” And Atherton went on, “Islamic. They have changed the name to the Islamic Republic” Kissinger said, “That they would be pro-US was not inevitable. In fact, I would have thought at some turn of the wheel they were going to become pro-Chinese, and anti-Indian I firmly expected. I always knew India would rue the day that they made Bangladesh independent. I predicted that since ’71.”
Major Dalim, one of the on-the-run convicted killers of Bangabondhu, in a radio announcement soon after the killings declared the country would now be named “Islamic Republic of Bangladesh”. The declaration which eventually did not materialise was a complete contrast to the secular ideals that stirred Bangalees to fight for independence from “Islamic Republic of Pakistan” in 1971.
Though the republic’s name was spared a change, its constitution soon lost secular character. The original charter saw secularism dropped as one of its four fundamental principles. It also had ‘Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim’ in the preamble.
Even more alarming was the scrapping of the ban on religion-based political parties. During the rule of Ziaur Rahman, five parties including Jamaat-e-Islami, which collaborated with the Pakistani occupation forces and committed genocide and numerous atrocities during the Liberation War, were allowed to be in politics again. The government of independent Bangladesh in its first decision banned these parties that always oppose the nation’s independence and thrive on communal disturbances. In the early 80s, the country’s second military ruler HM Ershad introduced Islam as state religion, dealing a death blow to secularism.
The rise of Islamist militancy, once a fear, is a reality now, 34 years after the August 15 carnage. During the BNP-Jamaat-led rule in 2001-2006, Islamist outfits spread tentacles across the country thanks to patronage from some influential leaders of the ruling alliance. Though the BNP government woke up to the dangers of militancy towards the end of its tenure, it was too little too late. Now the task lies with Awami League-led grand alliance that came to power on promises that include the one to root out militancy. And at the centre stage in the combat against militancy is Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who herself had been the target of several attacks.
Now the peoples of Bangladesh have don’t want to bother any late to execute the killers of Bangabondhu. In the same time we want to see immediately the constitution of 1972 which was made after our independence. We want to see to our loving country Bangladesh as an actual democratic country, there will have rule of law, good governance, enough food for our poor peoples, nutrition for all children’s, there have no discrimination. Source: the daily Star & BD
You can agree or disagree with his political philosophy, but even his enemies have no doubt about the patriotism of this man: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh. He spent most of his life fighting against the injustice bestowed upon Bangalees, first by the British, and then by the Pakistani Panjabi military/civil junta. After the mass uprising of 1969, he was given the title “Bangabandhu”, means “Friend of Bengal”. He is largely known as Bangabandhu among the millions of Bangalees.
History of Bangladesh is largely interconnected with the life of Bangabandhu. He was a young political activist during the British rule. He was active in every political event of then East Bengal/East Pakistan: the Language Movement of 1952, Jukta Front election of 1954, Student Movement of 1962, 6-Point Demand of 1966, Mass Uprising of 1969, and finally Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 against the Pakistanis. He was imprisoned more than a decade during the 24-years of Pakistani rule.
What the Pakistanis could not do, some corrupt military officers were able to do so in our own soil. They killed Bangabandhu along with most of his extended family in August 15, 1975, just after 3 and 1/2 years of independence. Two of his daughters, Shiekh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, survived. In November 4, 1975, they killed 4 national leaders, cornerstone of our Liberation War: Syed Nazrul Islam, Taz Uddin Ahmed, Captain Mansoor Ali, and Kamrujjaman.
Without a doubt, Bangabandhu is the greatest Bangalee of our known history. He gave us a nation, a new country, a new identity. Even today, he is more powerful as dead than anyone of us alive.
Credits:All of the pictures and information in this book is contained in the book JATIR JANAK Father of the Nation, publised by Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Memorial Trust, Road 32, Dhanmondhi R/A, Dhaka-1209. This book was published in August 1, 1997 and available in Muktizuddha Jadughar, Dhaka
The murderers of Bangabandhu should be bringing back.
“Bangabandhu” Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: A Political Profile
1920
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in a respectable Muslim family on 17 March 1920, in Tungipara village under the then Gopalganj subdivision (at present district) of Faridpur district .He was the third child among the four daughters and two sons of Sheikh Luthfur Rahman and Sheikh Sahara Khatun. His parents called him Khoka out of affection. Bangabandhu spent his childhood in Tungipara.
1927
At the age of seven, Bangabandhu began his shooling at Gimadanga Primary school. At nine, he was admitted to class three at Gopalganj Public School. Subsequently, he was transferred to a local Missionary School.
1934
Bangabandhu was forced to go for a break of study when, at the age of fourteen, one of his eyes had to be operated on.
1937
Bangabandhu returned to school after break of four years caused by the severity of an eye operation.
1938
At eighteen Mujib married Begum Fazilatunnesa.They later became the parents of two daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana and three sons, Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Rassel. All the sons were to be killed along with their parents on 15 August, 1975.
1939
Bangabandhu’s political career was effectively inaugurated while he was a student of Gopalganj Missionary School. He led a group of students to demand that cracked roof of the school be repaired when ‘Sher-e-Bangla’ A.K. Fazlul Haque, Chief Minister of undivided Bengal, came to visit the school along with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy.
1940
Sheikh Mujib joined the Nikhil Bharat Muslim Chathra Federation (All India Muslim Students Federation). He was elected councillor for a one year term.
1942
Sheikh mujibur Rahman passed the Entrance (Corrently Secondary School Certificate) examination. He then took admission as an intermidiate student in the Humanities faculty of Calcutta Islamia College, where he had lodgins at Baker Hostel. The same year Bangabandhu got actively involved with the movement for the creation of Pakistan.
1943
Sheikh Mujib’s busy and active political career took off in the literal sense with his election as a Councillor of the Muslim League.
1944
Bangabandhu took part in the conference of All Bengal Muslim Students League held in Kushtia, where he played an important role. He was also elected Secretary of Faridpur District Association, a Calcutta-based organisation of the residents of Faridpur.
1946
Sheikh Mujib was elected General Secretary of Islamia College Students Union.
1947
Bangbandhu obtained Bachelor of Arts degree from Islamia College under Calcutta Universiy. When communal riots broke out in the wake of the partition of India and the birth of Pakistan, Bangabandhu played a pioneering role in protecting Muslims and trying to contain the violence.
1949
Bangabandhu took admission in the Law department of Dhaka University. He founded Muslim Students League on 4 January. He rose in spontaneous protest on 23 February when Prime Minister Khwaja Najimuddin in his speech at the Legislative Assembly declared: “The people of East Pakistan will accept Urdhu as their state language.” Khwaja Najimuddin’s remarks touched off a storm of protest across the country. Sheikh Mujib immediately plunged into hectic activities to build a strong movement against the Muslim League’s premediated, heinous design to make Urdhu the only state language of Pakistan. He established contacts with students and political leaders. On 2 March, a meeting of the workers of different political parties was held to chart the course of the movement against the Muslim League on the language issue. The meeting held at Fazlul Haq Hall approved a resolution placed by Bangabandhu to form an All-party State League Action Council. The Action Council called for a general strike on 11 March to register its protest against the conspiracy of Muslim League against Bangla. On 11 March, Bangabandhu was arrested along with some colleagues while they were holding a demonstration in front of the Secretariat building. The student community of the country rose in protest folloing the arrest of Bangabandhu. In the face of strong student movement, Muslim League government was forced to release Bangabandhu and other students leaders on 15 March. Following his release, the All-party State Language Action Council held a public rally at Dhaka University Amtala on 16 March. Bangabandhu presided over the rally, which was soon set upon by the police. To protest the police action Bangabandhu announced a countrywide student strike for 17 March. Later, on 19 May, Bangabandhu led a movement in support of Dhaka University Class Four employees struggling to redress the injustice done to them by their employers. Mujib was arrested again on 11 September.
1948
Sheikh Mujib was released from jail on 21 January. Bangabandhu extended his support to a strike called by the Class Four employees of Dhaka University to press home their various demands. The university authorities illogically imposed a fine on him for leading the movement of the employees. He rejected the unjust order. Eventually, the Anti-Muslim League candidate Shamsul Huq won by-election in Tangailon 26 April . Mujib was arrested for staging a sit-in strike before the Vice-Chancellor’s residence. When the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was formed on 23 June, Bangabandhu was elected its Joint Secretary despite his incarceration. He was released in late June. Immediately after his release, he began organising an agitation against the prevailing food crisis.In September he was detained for violating Section 144. Later, however, he was freed. He raised the demand for Chief Minister Nurul Amin’s resignation at a meeting of the Awami Muslim League in October. The Awami Muslim League brought out an anti-famine procession in Dhaka on the occasion of Pakistan’s Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan’s visit to the province. Once again Bangabandhu was arrested and jailed, this time for two years and five months for leading the demonstration.
1952
On 26 January, Khwaja Najimuddin declare that Urdhu would be the state language of Pakistan. Though still in jail, Bangabandhu managed to play a leading role in organizing a protest against this announcement. From prison he sent out a call to the State Language Action Council to observe 21 February as Demand Day for releasing political prisoners and making Bangla the state language. He began a hunger strike on 14 February. On 21 February the student community violated Section 144 and brought out procession in Dhaka to demand the recognition of Bangla as the state language. Police opened fire, killing in the process Salam, Barkat, Rafiq, Jabbar, and Shafiur, who thus became martyrs of the Language Movement. In a statement from jail, Bangabandhu condemned the police firing and registered his strong protest. He was on hunger strike for 13 consecutive days. He was moved from Dhaka Central Jail to Faridpur Jail to prevent him from making contact with the organizers of the movement. He was released from jail on 26 February.
1953
On 9 July, Mujib was elected General Secretary of East Pakistan Awami League at its council session. Efforts were made to forge unity among Moulana Bhashani, A.K.Fazlul Huq and Shaheed Suhrawardy with the objective of taking on the Muslim League at the general elections. To achieve this goal, a special council session of the party was called on 14 November, when a resolution to form the Juktha Front(United Front) was approved.
1954
The first general election were held on 10 March. The United Front won 223 seats out of a total of 237, including 143 captured by the Awami League. Bangabandhu swept the Gopalganj constituencey, defeating the powerful Muslim League leader Wahiduzzaman by a magin of 13,00 votes. On 15 May, Bangabandhu was given charge of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forests when the new provincial government was formed. On 29 May the Central Government arbitrarily dismissed the United Front Ministry. Bangabandhu was again arrested once he landed at Dhaka airport after a flight from Karachi on 30 May. He was freed on 23 December.
1955
Bangabandhu was elected a member of the legislative Assembly on June. The Awami League held a public meeting at Paltan Maidan on 17 June where it put forward a 21-point programme demanding autonomy for East Pakistan. On 23 June, the Working Council of the Awami League decided that its members would resign from the Legislative Assembly if autonomy was not granted to East Pakistan. On 25 August, Bangabandhu told Pakistan’s Assembly in Karachi: “SIR, YOU WILL SEE THAT THEY WANT TO PLACE THE WORD ‘EAST PAKISTAN’ INSTEAD OF ‘EAST BENGAL’. WE HAVE DEMANDED SO MANY TIMES THAT YOU SHOULD USE BENGAL INSTEAD OF PAKISTAN. THE WORD ‘BENGAL’ HAS A HISTORY, HAS A TRADITION OF ITS OWN. YOU CAN CHANGE ONLY AFTER THE PEOPLE HAVE BEEN CONSULTED. IF YOU WANT TO CHANGE IT THEN WE HAVE TO GO BACK IN BENGAL AND ASK THEM WHETHER THEY ACCEPT IT. SO FAR AS THE QUESTION OF ONE-UNIT IS CONCERNED IT CAN COME IN THE CONSTITUTION. WHY DO YOU WANT IT TO BE TAKEN UP JUST NOW ? WHAT ABOOUT THE STATE LANGUAGE, BENGALI? WE WILL BE PREPERED TO CONSIDER ONE-UNIT WITH ALL THESE THINGS. SO, I APPEAL TO MY FRIENDS ON THAT SIDE TO ALLOW THE PEOPLE TO GIVE THEIR VERDICT IN ANY WAY, IN THE FORM OF REFERENDUM OR IN THE FORM OF PLEBISCITE.” On 21 October, the party dropped the word Muslim from its name at a spacial council of the Bangladesh Awami League, making the party a truly modern and secular one. Bangabandhu was re-elected General Secretary of the Party.
1956
On 3 February, Awami League leaders, during a meeting with the Chief Minister, demanded that the subject of provincial autonomy be included in the draft constitution. On 14 July, the Awami League at a meeting adopted resolution opposing the representation of the military in the administration . The resolution was moved by Bangabandhu. On 4 September, an anti-famine procession was brought out under the leadership of Bangabandhu defying Section 144. At least 3 people were killed when police opened fire in hte procession in Chawkbazar area. On 16 September, Bangabandhu joined the coalition government, assuming the charge of Industries, Commerce, Labour, Anti-Corruption and Village Aid Ministry.
1957
On 30 May, Bangabandhu resigned from the cabinet in response to a resolution of the Party to strengthen the organization by working for it full-time. On 7 August, he went on an official tour of China and the Soviet Union.
1958
Pakistan’s President, Major General Iskandar Mirja, and the chief of Pakistan’s Army, General ayub Khan, imposed martial law on 7 October and banned politics. Bangabandhu was arrested on 11 October. Thereafter he was continiously harassed through one false case after another. Released from prison after 14 months, he was arrested again at the jail gate.
1958
Bangabandhu was released from jail after he won a writ petition in the High Court. Then he started underground political activities against the marital law regime and dictator Ayub Khan. During this period he set up an underground organization called “Swadhin Bangla Biplobi Porishad”, or Independent Bangla Revolutionary Council, comprising outstanding student leaders in order to work for the independence of Bangladesh.
1962
Once again Bangabandhu was arrested under the Public Security Act on 6 February. He was freed on 18 June, following the withdrawal of the four-year-long martial law on 2 June. On 25 June, Bangabandhu joined other national leaders to protest the measures introduced by Ayub Khan. On 5 July, he addressed a public rally at Paltan Maidan where he bitterly criticised Ayub Khan. He went to Lahore on 24 September and joined forces with Shaheed Suhrawardy to form the National Democratic Front, an alliance of the opposition parties. He spent the entire month of October travelling across the whole of Bengal along with Shaheed Suhrawardy to drum up public support for the front.
1963
Sheikh Mujib went to London for consultations with Suhrawardy, who was there for medical treatment. On 5 December, Suhrawardy died in Beirut.
1964
The Awami League was revitalized on 25 January at a meeting held at Bangabandhu’s residence. The meeting adopted a resolution to demand the introduction of parliamentary democracy on the basis of adult franchise in response to public sentiment. The meeting elected Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish as party President and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib as General Secretary. On 11 March, an All-party Action Council was formed. Bangabandhu led a committee to resist communal riots. Following the riots he took the initiative to start a vigorous anti-Ayub movement. Bangabandhu was arrested 14 days before the presidential election.
1965
The government charged Sheikh Mujib with sedition and making objectionable statements. He was sentenced to a one year jail term. He was later released on an order of the High Court.
1966
On 5 February, a national conference of the opposition parties was held in Lahore. Bangabandhu placed his historic 6-point demand before the select committee of the conference. The 6-point demand was a palpable charter of freedom of the Bengali nation. On the first day of March, Bangabandhu was elected President of the Awami League. Following his election, he launched a campaign to obtain enthusiastic support for the 6-point demand. He toured the entire country . During his tour he was arrested by the police and detained variously at Sylhet, Mymensing and Dhaka several times, During the first quarter of the year he was arrested eight times. On 8 May, he was arrested again after his speech at a rally of jute mill workers in Narayanganj. A countrywide strike was observed on 7 June to demand the release of Bangabandhu and other political prisoners. Police opened fire during the strike and killed a number of workers in Dhaka, Narayanganjand Tongi.
1968
The Pakistan government instituted the notorious Agartala Conspiracy Case against Bangabandhu and 34 Bengali military and CSP officers. Sheikh Mujib was named accused number one in the case that charged the arrested persons with conspiring to bring about the secession of East Pakistan from the rest of Pakistan. The accused were kept detained inside Dhaka Cantonment. Demonstrations started throughout the province province demanding the release of Bangabandhu and the other co-accused in the Agartala Conspiracy Case. The trial of the accused began on 19 June inside Dhaka Cantonment amidst tight security.
1969
The Central Students Action Council was formed on 5 January to press for the acceptance of the 11-point demand of Bangabandhu. The council initiated a countrywide student agitationto force the government to withdraw the Agartala Conspiracy Case and release Bangabandhu. The agitation gradually developed into a mass movement. After months of protests, violation of Section 144 and curfews, firing by the police and the EPR and a number of casulties, the movement peaked into an unprecedented mass upsurge that forced Ayub Khan to convene a round-table conference of political leaders and annnounce Bangabandhu’s release on parole. Bangabandhu turned down the offer of release in parole. On 22 February, the central government bowed to the continued mass protests and freed Bangabandhu and the other co-accused. The conspiracy case was withdrawn. The Central Students Action Council arranged a reception in honour of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 23 February at the Race Course(Suhrawardy Uddyan). At this meeting of one million people, Mujib was publicly acclaimed as Bangabandhu(Friend of Bengal). In his speech on the occasion, Bangabandhu pledged his total support to the 11-point demand of the students.
On 10 March Bangabandhujoined the round- table conference called by Ayub Khan in Rawalpindi. At the conference, Bangabandhu placed the 6- point demand of his party and the 11-point of the students and said “To end the people’s anger there is no alternative to the acceptance of the 6-point and 11-point demand and the granting of regional autonomy.”
When the Pakistani polititians rejected his demand he left the conference on 13 March .The next day he returned to Dhaka . On 25 March Gen. Yahya Khan seized power and imposed martial law. On 25 October, Bangabandhu went to London on a three week organizational tour. On 5 December, Bangabandhu declared at a discussion meeting held to observe the death anniversary of Shaheed Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called Bangladesh. He added “There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word ‘Bangla’ from this land and its map . The existance of the word ‘Bangla’ was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I, on be half of Pakistan, announce today that this land will be called ‘Bangladesh’ instead of ‘East Pkistan ‘.”
1970
Bangabandhu was re-elected President of the Awami League on 6 January. The Awami League at a meeting of the working committee on 1 April decided to take part in the general elections scheduled for later that year. On 7 June, Bangabandhu addressed a public meeting at Race Course ground and urged the people to elect his party on the issue of the 6-point demand . On 17 October, Bangabandhu selected the boat as his party ‘s elections symbol and launched his campaign through an election rally at Dhaka’s Dholai Khal. On 28 October, he addressed the nation over radio and television and called upon the people to elect his party’s candadates to implement the 6-point demand. When a deadly cyclonic storm hit the coastal belt of Bangladesh, killing at least one million people, Bangabandhu suspended his election campaign and rushed to the aid of the helpless people in the affected areas. He strongly condemned the Pakistani rulers’ indifference to the cyclone victims and protested against it. He called on the international community to help the people affected by the cyclone. In the general elections held on 7 December, the Awami League gained an absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 out of 169 National Assembly seats in the Provincial Assembly.
1971
On 3 January, Bangabandhu conducted the oath of the people’s elected representatives at a meeting at the Race Course ground. The Awami League members took the oath to frame a constitution on the basis of the 6-point demand and pledged to remain loyal to the people who had elected them. On 5 January, Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, the leader of the majority party, the People’s Party, in the then West Pakistan, announced his readiness to form a coalition government at the centre with the Awami League. Bangabandhu was chosen as the leader of his party’s parliamentary party at a meeting of the National Assembly members elected from his party . On 27 January, Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto arrived in Dhaka for talks with Bangabandhu. The talks collapsed after three days of deliberation. In an announcement on 13 February, President Yahya Khan summoned the National Assembly to convene in Dhaka on 3 March. On 15 February, Bhutto announced that he would boycott the session and demanded that power be handed over to the majority parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan. In a statement on 16 February, Bangabandhu bitterly criticised the demaned of Bhutto and said, “The demand of Bhutto sahib is totally illogical. Power has to be handed over to the only majority party, the Awami League. The people of East Bengal are now the masters of power.”
On 1 March, Yahya Khan abruptly postponed the National Assembly session, prompting a storm of protest throughout Bangladesh. Bangabandhu called an emergency meeting of the working committee of the Awami League, which called a countrywide hartal for 3 March. After the hartal was successfully observed, Bangabandhu on 3 March called on the President to immediately transfer power to his party.
On 7 March, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, addressed a mammoth publicrally at the Race Course ground, where he declared: “THE STRUGGLE NOW IS THE STRUGGLE FOR OUR EMANCIPATION, THE STRUGGLE NOW IS THE STRUGGLE FOR OUR INDEPENDENCE. JOI BANGLA .”
In this historic speech, Bangabandhu urged the nation to break the suckles of subjugation and declared, “SINCE WE HAVE GIVEN BLOOD, WE WILL GIVE MORE BLOOD. INSHALLAH, THE PEOPLE OF THIS COUNTRY WILL BE LIBERATED….. TURN EVERY HOUSE INTO A FORT. FACE(THE ENEMY) WITH WHATEVER YOU HAVE.”
He advised the people to prepare themselves for a guerilla war against the enemy. He asked the people to start a total non-cooperation movement against the government of Yahya Khan. There were ineffectual orders from Yahya Khan on the one hand, while the nation, on the other hand, received directives from Bangabandhu’s Road 32 residence. The entire nation carried out Bangabandhu’s instructions. Every organization, including government offices, banks, insurance companies, schools, colleges mills and factories obeyed Bangabandhu’s directives. The response of people of Bangladesh to Bangabandhu’s call was unparalleled in history. It was Bangabandhu who conducted the administration of an independent Bangladesh from March 7 to March 25.
On 16 March, Yahya Khan came to Dhaka for talks with Bangabandhu on the issue of transfer of power. Bhutto also came a few days later to Dhaka for talks. The Mujib-Yahya-Bhutto talks continued until 24 March. Yahya Khan left Dhaka in the evining of 25 March, in secrecy. On the night of 25 March, the Pakistan Army cracked down on the innocent unarmed Bangalis. They attacked Dhaka University, the Peelkhana Headquarters of the then East Pakistan Rifles and the Rajarbagh Police Headquarters.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman read out a wireless message, moments after the crackdown began, declaring the independence of Bangladesh as 25 March gave away to 26 March . His declaration was transmitted over wireless to the country “THIS MAY BE MY LAST MESSAGE, FROM TODAYBANGLADESH IS INDEPENDENT. I CALL UPON THE PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH WHEREVER YOU MIGHT BE AND WITH WHATEVER YOU HAVE, TO RESIST THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION TO THE LAST. YOUR FIGHT MUST GO ON UNTIL THE LAST SOLDIER OF THE PAKISTAN OCCUPATION ARMY IS DRIVEN OUT THE SOIL OF BANGLADESH. FINAL VICTORY IS OURS.”
He called upon all sections of people, including Bengali military and civilian personnel, students, workersa nd peasants, to join the resistance against the occupation Pakistan army. This message of Bangabandhu was immediately disseminated throughout the country through radio equipment under specialarrangements. The same night jawans and officers in Chittagong, Comilla and Jessore cantonments put up resistance to the Pakistan army after receiving this message. Bangabandhu’s declaration was broadcast by Chittagong radio station. The Pakistan army arrested Bangabandhu from his Dhanmandi residence at 1:10 a.m. and whisked him away to Dhaka cantonment. On 26 March he was flown to Pakistan as a prisoner. The same day, General Yahya Khan, in a broadcast banned the Awami League and called Bangabandhu a traitor.
On 26 March M.A. Hunnan, an Awami League leader in Chittagong, read out Bangabandhu’s declaration of independence over Chittagong Radio. On 10 April, the Provisional Revolutionary Government of Bangladesh was formed with Bangabandhu as President.
The revolutionary government took the oath of office on 17 a pril at the Amrakanan of Baidayanathtala in Meherpur, which is now known as Mujibnagar. Bangabandhu was elected President, Syed Nazrul Islam Acting President and Tazuddin Ahmed Prime Minister. The liberation war ended on 16 December when the Pakistani occupation forces surrendered at the historic Race Course ground accepting defeat in the glorious war led by the revolutionary government in exile. Bangladesh was finally free.
Earlier, between Aaugust and September of 1971, the Pakistani janta held a secret trial of Bangabandhu inside Lyallpur jail in Pakistan. He was sentenced to death. The freedom loving people of the world demanded absolute security of Bangabandhu’s life. Once Bangladesh was liberated, the Bangladesh government demanded that Bangabandhu be released immediately and unconditionally. A number of countries, including India, and the Soviet Union and various international organizations urged the release of Bangabandhu. Pakistan had no right to hold Bangabandhu, who was the architect of Bangladesh had been recognised by many countries of the world.
1972
The Pakistan government freed Bangabandhu on 8 January 1972. Bangabandhu was seen off at Rawalpindi by Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, by now Pakistani’s President. The same day Bangabandhu left for London en rout to Dhaka. In London, British Prime Minister Edward Heath met him. On his way back home from London Bangabandhu had a stop-over in New Delhi, where he was received by Indian President V.V. Giri and Prime Minister Indira Gandi.
A memorable reception was accorded to Bangabandhu when the Father of the Nation reached Dhaka on 10 January. From the airport he drove straight to the Race Course ground where he made a tearful address before the country. On 12 January, Bangabandhu became Bangladesh’s Prime Minister. On 6 February he left for a visit to India at the invitation of the Indian government. After twenty four years the Dhaka University authorities rescined his expulsion order and accorded him the Universities’s life membership.
On 1 March he went to the Soviet Union on an official visit. The allied Indian army left Dhaka on 17 March at the request of Bangabandhu. On 1 May he announced a raise in the salary of class three and four employees of the government. On 30 July Bangabandhu underwent a gall bladder operation in London. From there he went to Geneva. On 10 October the World Peace Council conferred the Jullio Curie award on him. On 4 November, Bangabandhu announced that the first general election in Bangladesh would be held on 7 March, 1973. On 15 December Bangabandhu’s government announced the provition of according state awards to the freedom fighters. On the first anniversary of liberation the Constitution of the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh was adopted. Among the important achievements of the Bangabandhu government: The re-organization of the administrative system, adoption of the constitution, rehabiliation of one crore people, restoration and development of communication system, expansion of education, supply of fre books to students upto class five and at low price to students up to class eight, effective ban on all anti-Islamic and anti-social activities like gambling, horse races, liquor, establishment of Islamic foundation, re-organization of Madrassa Board, establlishedment of 11,000 primary schools, nationalization of 40,000 primary schools, establishment of women’s rehabilitation centre for the welfare of distressed woman. Freedom Fighters Welfare Trust, waiving tax upto 25 bighas of land, distribution of agricultural inputs among farmers free of cost or at nominal price, nationalization of banks and insurance companies abandoned by the Pakistais and 580 industrial units, employment to thousands of workers and employees, construction of Ghorashal Fertilizer Factory, primary work of Ashugangj Complex and establishment of othe new industrial units and reopening of the closed industries. Thus Bangabandhu sucessfully built an infrastructure for the economy to lead the country towards progress and prosperity. Another landmark achievement of the Bangabandhu government was to gain recognition of almost all countries of the world and the United Nations membership in a short period of time.
1973
The Awami secured 293 out of the 300 Jatiya Sangsad(parliament) seats in the first general elections. On 3 September, the Awami League, CPB and NAP formed Oikya Front(United Front). On 6 September, Bangabandhu travelled to Algeria to attend the Non-aligned Movement Summit Conferrence.
1974
The Peoploe’s Republic of Bangladesh was accorded membership of United Nations. On 24 September, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman addressed the UN General Assembly in Bangla.
1975
1975-2011
On 25 January country switched over to the presidential system of governance and Bangabandhu took over as President of the republic. On 24 February, Bangladesh Krishak Awami League, comprising all the poliotical parties of the country, was launched. On 25 February, Bangabandhu called upon all parties and leaders to join this national party. He felt the need for making Bangladesh a self-reliant nation by reducing dependence on forign aid. So he overhauled the economic policies to achieve the goal of self-reliance by reducing dependence on foreign aid. So he overhauled the economic policies to achieve the goal of self-relaince. He launched the Second revolution to make independence meaningful and ensure food, clothing, shelter, medicare, education and jobs to the people. The objectives of the revolution were: elimination of corruption, boosting production in mills, factories and fields, population control and established of national unity.
Bangabandhu received an unprecedented response to his call to achieve economic freedom by uniting the entire nation. The economy started picking up rapidly within a short time. Production oncreased. Smugling stoped. The prices of essentiala came down to within parchasing capacity of the common man. Imbued with new hope, the people unitedly marched forward to extend the benefits of independence to every doorstep. But that condition did not last long.
In the pre-dawn hours of August 15 the noblest and the greatest of Bangalees in a thousand years, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh and the Father of the Nation, was assassinated by a handful of ambitious and treacherous military officers. On that day, Bangabandhu’s wife, a noble woman, Begum Fajilatunnesa; his eldest son, freedom fighter Sheikh Kamal; second son Lt. Sheikh Jamal; youngest son Sheikh Russel; two daughters-in-law, Sultana Kamal and Rosy Jamal; Bangabandhu’s brother Sheikh Nasser; brothe-in-law and Agriculture Minister Abdur Rab Serniabat and his daughter Baby Serniabat; Bangabandhu’s nephew, youth leader and journalist Sheikh Fajlul Huq Moni and his pregnant wife Arju Moni; Bangabandhu’s security officer Brig. Jamil and a 14-year-old boy Rintoo were killed. In all, the killers slaughters 16 members and relatives of Bangadhu’s family.
Martial law was imposed in the country after the killing of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Democracy was done away with and basic rights were snached away. Thus began the politics of killing, coups and conspiracy. The people’s rights to food and vote were taken away. There is interntional provision to hold trial of killers to protect human rights in the world. But unfortunately in Bangladesh, a martial law ordinance was decreed(Indemnity Ordinance) exempting the self-confessed killers of Bangabandhufrom any trial. Having captured power illigally through a military coup, Gen. Ziaur Rahman debased the Constitution by incorporating the notorious Indemnity Ordinance in the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution. He rewarded the killers with jobs in Bangladesh diplomatic mission abroad. The Indemnity Ordinance was repealed by Parliament only after the Awami League led by Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina returned to power in 1996. August 15, 1975 is the blackest day in our national life. The nation observes this day as National Mourning Day.
Plot hatched in Hawa Bhaban meetings
Mufti Hannan confesses afresh about Aug 21 grenade attacks
Staff Correspondent
Mufti Hannan in a confessional statement disclosed the involvement of Hawa Bhaban and some former BNP ministers and intelligence officials in the August 21, 2004, grenade attack on an Awami League rally.
Harkat-ul Jihad (Huji) leader Mufti Mohammad Abdul Hannan made the fresh confessional statement before a Dhaka court yesterday about the attack that left Ivy Rahman, wife of President Zillur Rahman, dead along with 23 others and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina wounded. At least 300 others were also injured.
On October 27, 2009, The Daily Star published an investigative report on the attack. The report disclosed the chilling conspiracy that was hatched in Hawa Bhaban.
Hannan, prime accused in the case, on November 1, 2007, made a confessional statement but Criminal Investigation Department moved for a new confessional statement following revaluations of more information through investigation.
First Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate AHM Habibur Rahman Bhuiyan recorded yesterday’s statement for over five hours from 4:00pm.
Sources in the CID said in the first confessional statement Hannan admitted carrying out the attack but in the new statement he said the attack was planned in meetings held at the Hawa Bhaban.
Hawa Bhaban was widely regarded as the alternative powerhouse of the then BNP-led coalition government.
Hannan said the meetings were held in presence of some then BNP ministers and businessmen close to BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami top brass.
However, the CID sources declined to disclose names of the people Hannan mentioned.
Hannan said fugitive Maulana Tajuddin, brother of detained former BNP deputy minister Abdus Salam Pintu, had coordinated the attackers and the people of different agencies who aided them.
In the first confessional statement, Hannan said they had smuggled in the grenades from Afghanistan, where Hannan had joined the Mujahideens to fight against the Soviets in the 1980s.
Now he says that the grenades came from Pakistan via Chittagong.
In the first statement, Hannan said they planned the attack in a Badda house in the capital a few days ahead. He had said around 12 militants carried out the attack.
He had said they wanted to kill Sheikh Hasina because she had slapped a ban on religious edict when she was in power, the sources added.
CID Special Superintendent Abdul Kahar Akand, investigation officer of the case, declined to make any comment on the new statement of Hannan.
So far, 12 accused have given confessional statements admitting their involvement in the attack. They are Mufti Hannan, his brother Mohibullah alias Mafizur Rahman alias Ovi, Sharif Shahidul Islam alias Bipul, Maulana Abu Sayeed alias Abu Zafar, Abul Kalam Azad alias Bulbul, Arif Hossain, Rafiqul Islam Sabuj and Jahangir Alam, Islamic Democratic Party leader Sheikh Abdus Salam, Pakistan based LeT leader Abdul Majid alias Yusuf Butt, LeT leader Abdul Malek alias Golam Mohammad and Abdur Rouf.
The eight absconding accused are Pintu’s brothers Maulana Tajuddin and Maulana Liton, Anisul Mursalin and his brother Mahibul Muttakin, Iqbal, Maulana Abu Bakar alias Selim Howlader, Jahangir Alam Badar and Khalilur Rahman.
On June 11, 2008, the CID submitted a charge sheet accusing 22 people, including top Huji leader Mufti Abdul Hannan and BNP leader and former deputy minister Abdus Salam Pintu.
But the court asked police for further investigation into the attack to find out the sources of the grenades used in the attack, the suppliers of the grenades and also to unfold the mystery behind defusing the unexploded grenades soon after recovery.
During the rule of BNP-led coalition government, the then investigators allegedly staged a drama to mislead the investigation and protect the real culprits
Some of the biographers of the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman have said that he was the most astonishing and much talked about leader in South East Asia. In an age of military coup d’etat he attained power through elections and mass upsurge; in an age of decline of democracy he firmly established democracy in one of the countries of Asia and in an age of “Strong Men” he spurned the opportunity of becoming a dictator and instead chose to become the elected Prime Minister. The way he turned a nonviolent non-cooperation movement of unarmed masses into an armed struggle that successfully brought into reality the liberation of a new nation and the creation of a new state in barely ten months will remain a wonder of history.
March 7, 1971 was a day of supreme test in his life. The leaders of the military junta of Pakistan were on that day eagerly waiting to trap him. A contingent of heavily armed Pakistani troops was poised near the Suhrawardy Uddyan to wait for an order to start massacre the people on the plea of suppressing a revolt that Bangabandhu was about to declare against Pakistan at the meeting he was going to address there.
In fact, the entire Bangladesh was then in a state of revolt. The sudden postponement of the scheduled session of the newly elected National Assembly and the reluctance of the military leaders to transfer power to the elected representatives of the people had driven the people to desperation and they were seeking the opportunity to break away from the Pakistani colonial rule. Nearly two million freedom-loving people who assembled at the Suhrawardy Uddyan that day had but one wish, only one demand : “Bangabandhu, declare independence; give us the command for the battle for national liberation.”
The Father of the Nation spoke in a calm and restrained language. It was more like a sacred hymn than a speech spellbinding two million people. His historic declaration in the meeting on that day was : “Our struggle this time is for freedom. Our struggle this time is for independence”. This was the declaration of independence for Bangladeshis, for their liberation struggle. But he did not give the Pakistani military rulers the opportunity to use their arms. He foiled their carefully laid scheme. In the same speech he took care to put forward four proposals for the solution of the problem in a constitutional way and kept the door open for negotiations.
He was taller than the average Bangalee, had the same dark complexion and spoke in a vibrant voice. But what special power gave him the magnetic qualities of drawing a mass of seventy-five million people to him? This question stirred the minds of many people at home and abroad. He was not educated abroad nor was he born with a silver spoon in his mouth. Yet he was as dear to the educated Bangladeshi compatriots as to the illiterate and half-educated masses. He inspired the intelligentsia and the working classes alike. He did not climb to leadership overnight. It has been a slow and steady process. He attained his enviable eminence the hard way. He began as an humble worker at the bottom rung. He arduously climbed to the position of a national leader and rose to the very pinnacle as the Father of the Nation.
He was born in a middle class Bangalee family and his political leadership arose out of the aims and aspirations of the ordinary Bangalee. He was inseparably linked with the hopes and aspirations, the joys and sorrows, the travails and triumphs of these ordinary people. He spoke their language. He gave voice to their hopes and aspirations. Year after year he spent the best days of his youth behind the prison bars. That is why his power was the power of the people.
Whoever has once come in contact with him has admitted that his personality, a mingling of gentle and stern qualities, had an uncanny magical attraction. He is as simple as a child yet unbending in courage; as strong as steel when necessary. Coupled with this was his incomparable strength of mind and steadfast devotion to his own ideals. He was a nationalist in character, a democrat in behavior, a socialist in belief and a secularist by conviction.
Bangabandbu had to move forward step by step in his struggle. He had to change the tactics and the slogans of the movement several times. It can thus be said that though the period of direct struggle for freedom was only nine months, the indirect period of this struggle spread over 25 years. This 25-year period can be divided into several stages. These are : (a) organizational stage of the democratic movement; (b) movement against BPC or Basic Principles Committee’s report; (c) language movement; (d) forging of electoral unity and the victory of the democratic United Front; (e) military rule; (f) movement against the military rule; (g) movement for autonomy; (h) the historic Six-Point movement; (i) electoral victory and the non-cooperation movement; and j) armed liberation struggle.
Bangabandhu has been closely associated with every phase of this 25-year long struggle for freedom and independence. Bangladesh and Bangabandhu have, therefore, become inseparable. We cannot speak of one without the other.
While still adolescent, he took his first political lesson from Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, a leading political personality of the then Bangladesh. It was in Faridpur that Young Suhrawardy and adolescent Sheikh Mujib came to know each other. Both of them were attracted to each other from that first acquaintance. Adolescent Mujib grew up under the gathering gloom of the storm-tossed politics of the sub-continent and the Second World War. He witnessed the ravages of war and the stark realities of the 1943 famine and the epidemics in which about five million people lost their lives. The miserable plight of the people under colonial rule turned him into a rebel.
He passed his matriculation examination in 1942. His studies had been interrupted for about four years due to an attack of beriberi. He got acquainted with the revolutionary activities of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose during the Hallwell Monument movement in Calcutta. Suhrawardy’s staunchly logical approach and Subhash Bose’s spirit of dedication influenced him immensely. He was influenced by another great leader, “Sher-e-Bangla” A.K. Fazlul Huq and his political philosophy of the plain fare (“dal-bhat”) for all. At that very early stage he realised that in a poor exploited country political programmes must be complimentary to economic programmes.
He completed his college education in Calcutta. His sojourn to the prisons began in his teens. He first spent six days in a prison for participating in a political movement. While he was a student in Calcutta, he moved the natural eddies of the political movements of the subcontinent and got himself associated with the Muslim League and the Pakistan movement. But soon after the creation of Pakistan and the partition of Bengal in 1947, he realised that his people had not attained real independence. What had happened was a change of masters. Bangladesh would have to make preparations for independence movement a second time.
He graduated in the same year and came to develop a deep acquaintance with the works of Bernard Shaw. Karl Marx and Rabindranath Tagore. The horizon of his thought process began to expand from that time. He realised that Bangladesh was a geographical unit and its geographical nationalism was separate; its economic, political and cultural characters were also completely different from those of the western part of Pakistan. Over and above, linguistic differences and a physical distance of about 1,500 miles between them made the two parts of Pakistan totally separate from each other.
He could, therefore, realize that by keeping the two areas under the forced bonds of one state structure in the name of religious nationalism, rigid political control and economic exploitation would be perpetrated on the eastern part. This would come as a matter of course because the central capital and the economic and military headquarters of Pakistan had all been set up in the western part.
The new realization and political thinking took roots in his mind as early as 1948. He was then a student in the Law faculty of Dhaka University. A movement was launched that very year on the demand to make Bengali one of the state languages of Pakistan. In fact, this movement can be termed as the first stirrings of the movement of an independent Bangladesh. This demand for cultural freedom gradually led to the demand for national independence. During that language movement, Bangabandhu was arrested on March 11, 1948. During the blood-drenched language movement of 1952 also he was pushed behind the bars and took up leadership of the movement from inside the jail.
Bangabandhu was also in the forefront of the movement against the killing of policemen by the army in Dhaka in 1948. He was imprisoned for lending his support to the strike movement of the lower grade employees of Dhaka University. He was expelled from the University even before he came out of the prison.
In 1950, Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan of Pakistan announced the Basic Principles Committee’s report for framing a constitution. This report manipulated to turn the majority of Bangladesh into a minority through subterfuges, and to make Urdu the state language. There was a spontaneous countrywide upsurge in Bangladesh against this report and the Bangabandhu was at its forefront.
Bangabandhu was elected Joint Secretary of the newly formed political organization, the Awami League. Previously he had been the leader of the progressive students’ organization, the Chhatra League. In 1953 he was elected General Secretary of the Awami League.
Elections to the then Provincial Assembly of Bangladesh was held in 1954. A democratic electoral alliance-the United Front-against the ruling Muslim League was forged during that election. The 21 -point demand of the United Front included full regional autonomy for Bangladesh and making of Bengali one of the state languages.
The United Front won the elections on the basis of the 21 -point programme and Bangabandhu was elected member of the Provincial Assembly. He joined the Huq Cabinet of the United Front as its youngest Minister. The anti-people ruling clique of Pakistan dissolved this Cabinet soon and the Bangabandhu was thrown into prison.
In 1955 he was elected member of the second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. He was again appointed a Minister when the Awami League formed the Provincial Cabinet in 1956. But he voluntarily left the Cabinet in July 1957 in order to devote himself fully to the task of reorganizing the party.
General Ayub Khan staged a military coup in Pakistan in 1958 and the Bangabandhu was arrested on various charges and innumerable cases were framed against him. He got back his freedom after 14 months of solitary confinement but was re-arrested in February 1962.
THE AWAMI LEAGUE
The Bangabandhu revived the Awami League after the death of Mr. H.S. Suhrawardy in 1963. By that time the military Junta had lifted the ban on political parties. Thus the Awami League began its constitutional struggle under the leadership of the Bangabandhu to realize the demand for self-determination of the Bangalees.
The Bangabandhu placed his historic Six-Point programme at a political conference in Lahore in 1966. This programme called for a federal state structure for Pakistan and full autonomy for Bangladesh with a parliamentary democratic system. The Six- Point programme became so popular in a short while that it was turned into the Charter of Freedom for the Bangladeshis or their Magna Carta. The Army Junta of Pakistan threatened to use the language of weapons against the Six-Point movement and the Bangabandhu was arrested under the Defence Rules on May 8, 1966. The powerful mass upsurge that burst forth throughout Bangladesh in protest against this arrest of the Bangabandhu came to be known as June Movement.
On June 17, 1968 he was removed from Dhaka Central Jail to Kurmitola Cantonment and was charged with conspiring to make Bangladesh independent with the help of India. This case is known as the Agartala Conspiracy case. He was the No. 1 accused in the case. While the trial was in progress in the court of a military tribunal the administration of the military junta collapsed as a consequence of a great mass upsurge in Bangladesh at the beginning of 1969.
As a result, he was released together with all the other co-accused. The case was withdrawn and the Bangabandhu was invited to a Round Table Conference at the capital of Pakistan. At this conference President Ayub Khan requested Bangabandhu to accept the Prime Ministership of Pakistan. Bangabandhu rejected the offer and remained firm in his demand for the acceptance of his Six-Point programme.
President Ayub Khan stepped down from power on March 25, 1969 and General Yahya Khan took over the leadership of the army junta, Apprehending a new movement in Bangladesh he promised to re-establish democratic rule in Pakistan and made arrangements for holding the first general elections in December, 1970. Under the leadership of the Bangabandhu. the Awami League won an absolute majority in the elections. The military junta was unnerved by the results of the elections. The conspiracy then started to prevent the transfer of power. The session of the newly elected National Assembly was scheduled for March 3, 1971. By an order on March 1, General Yahya postponed this session.
It acted like a spark to the powder keg; entire Bangladesh burst into flames of political upheaval. The historic non-cooperation movement began. For all practical purposes Bangabandhu took over the civil -administration of Bangladesh. The military junta however began to increase the strength of its armed forces in Bangladesh secretly and to kill innocent Bangalees at different places.
Yahya Khan came to Dhaka by the middle of March to have talks with Bangabandhu. Mr. Zulflqar Ali Bhutto and other leaders also came a few days later. When everybody was feeling that the talks were going to be successful Yahya Khan stealthily left Dhaka in the evening of March 25. The barbarous genocide throughout Bangladesh began from that midnight.
Bangabandhu was arrested at midnight of March 25 and was flown to the western wing. But before he was arrested, he formally declared independence of Bangladesh and issued instructions to all Bangladeshis, including those in the armed forces and in the police to take up arms to drive out the Pakistani occupation forces.
For ten long months from March 1971 to January 1972 Bangabandhu was confined in a death-cell in the Pakistani prison. His countrymen did not even know if he was dead or alive. Still, stirred by his inspiration, the nation threw itself heart and soul into the hick of the liberation war and by the middle of December the whole of Bangladesh was cleared of the occupation forces.
Freed from the Pakistani prison, the Bangabandhu came back home on January 10, 1972 and stepped down from the Presidentship and took up the responsibility as the Prime Minister of independent Bangladesh on 12 January 1972. Immediately he took steps for the formulation of the Constitution of the country and to place it before the Constituent Assembly. After the passage of the Constitution on 4 November 1972, his party won an overwhelming majority in the elections held on 7 March 1973 and took up the responsibility of running the administration of the country for another five-year term. After the fourth amendment of the constitution on 25 January 1975 (changing the form of Government from the Parliamentary to the Presidential system), the Bangabandhu entered upon the office of the President of Bangladesh. Within three years of independence he put the war-ravaged country along the path of political stability and economic reconstruction. On 15 August 1975, he along with all the members (excluding two daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana who were abroad) of his family were brutally assassinated by a splinter group of armed forces.
The Bangabandhu is the Father of the Nation. His state philosophy has four pillars: Nationalism, Democracy, Socialism and Secularism. His foreign policy opened up new horizons of peace, cooperation and non-alignment throughout Asia. He visited many countries of Asia and Europe including China and the Soviet Union. Statesmen of many countries of Asia countries were his personal friends. He was awarded Julio Curie Peace Prize for his being a symbol of world peace and cooperation. In the eyes of the people in the third world, he is the harbinger of peace and development in Asia.
Mukti Bahini(Bengali:মুক্তিবাহিনী“Liberation Ar my”), also termed as the “Freedom Fighters”, collectively refers to the armed organizations who fought alongside theIndian Armed Forcesagainst thePakistan Armyduring theBangladesh Liberation War. It was dynamically formed by (mostly) Bengali regulars and civilians after the proclamation ofBangladesh‘s independence on March 26, 1971. Subsequently by mid-April 1971 the former members of East Pakistan Armed Forces formed the “Bangladesh Armed Forces” andM. A. G. Osmaniassumed its command. The civilian groups continued to assist the armed forces during the war. After the war “Mukti Bahini” became the general term to refer to all forces (military and civilian) of former East Pakistani origin fighting against the Pakistani armed forces during the Bangladesh Liberation War. Often Mukti Bahini operated as an effectiveguerrillaforce to keep their enemies on the run. Inspired in part by revolutionaryChe Guevara,[1]they have been compared to the FrenchMaquis,Viet Cong, and theguerrillas of Josip Broz Titoin their tactics and effectiveness.
Origins
Although Mukti Bahini was formed to fight off the military crackdown by thePakistanarmy on March 25, 1971 during the climax of Bangladesh freedom movement,The crisishad already started taking shape with anti-Ayub uprising in 1969 and precipitated into a political crisis at the height ofSheikh Mujibur Rahman‘sSix-point movementbeginning in the 1970s. In March 1971, rising political discontent andcultural nationalismin what was thenEast Pakistan(later,Bangladesh) was met by harshsuppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment[4]in what came to be termedOperation Searchlight.
The massive crackdown byWest Pakistan forces became an important factor in precipitating the civil war as a sea of refugees (estimated at the time to be about 10million)came flooding to theeastern provinces of India.Facing a mounting humanitarian crisis, India started actively aiding and re-organising what was by this time already the nucleus of the Mukti Bahini.
The immediate precursor of the Mukti Bahini was Mukti Fauj (“Fauj” is theUrduoriginally fromPersianborrowed fromArabicfor “Brigade” exported into several languages inSouth Asiaincluding Bengali), which was preceded denominationally by thesangram parishadsformed in the cities and villages by the student and youth leaderships in early March 1971. When and how the Mukti Fauj was created is not clear nor is the later adoption of the name Mukti Bahini. It is, however, certain that the names originated generically refer to the people who fought in theBangladesh liberation war.
Since the anti-Ayubuprising in 1969 and during the height of Mujib’s six points movement, there was a growing movement among the Bengalis in East Pakistan to become independent driven by the nationalists, radicals and leftists. After the election of 1970, the subsequent crisis strengthened that feeling within the people. Sheikh Mujib himself was facing immense pressure from most prominent political quarters, especially the ultra-nationalist young student leaders, to declare independence without delay. Armed preparations were going on by some leftist and nationalist groups, and the Bengali army officers and soldiers were prepared to defect. At the call of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman the people of East Pakistan joined in a peaceful movement for non-cooperation from 3 March 1971, and 7th march and onward, which lasted up to midnight of 25 March 1971. On this date the Pakistani Army cracked down upon unarmed civilians to take control of the administration. During the army crackdown on the night of March 25, 1971, there were reports of small scale resistance notably at Iqbal Hall,Dhaka Universityand at the Rajarbagh Police Headquarter. The latter initially put a strong fight against the Pakistan Army. As political events gathered momentum, the stage was set for a clash between the Pakistan Army and the Bengali people vowing for independence. Bengali members of the Army were also defecting and gathering in various pockets of the country.
All these early fights were disorganized and futile because of the greater military strength of the Pakistani Army. Outside ofDhaka, resistance was more successful. The earliest move towards forming a liberation army officially came from the declaration of independence made by MajorZiaur RahmanofEast Bengal Regimenton behalf ofSheikh Mujibur Rahman. In the declaration made from Kalurghat Betar Kendra (Chittagong) on March 27, 1971, Zia assumed the title of “provisional commander in chief of the Bangladesh Liberation Army”, though his area of operation remained confined to Chittagong andNoakhaliareas. Major Ziaur Rahman’s declaration on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman marked a break withPakistanby the Bengali units of the army.
Organization during war
Though prolonged Bengali resistance was not anticipated by Pakistani planners ofOperation Searchlight, when the Pakistani Army cracked down upon the population, the Mukti Bahini were becoming increasingly visible. Headed by Colonel (later, General)M. A. G. Osmani, a retired Pakistani Army officer, this band was raised as Mujib’s action arm and security force before assuming the character of a conventional guerrilla force. After the declaration of independence, the Pakistani military sought to quell them, but increasing numbers of Bengali soldiersdefectedto the underground “Bangladesh army”. These Bengali units slowly merged into the Mukti Bahini and bolstered their weaponry.
On April 12, 1971 Colonel (later General)M. A. G. Osmaniassumed the command of armed forces at Teliapara (Sylhet) headquarters. Osmani was made the commander-in-chief of Bangladesh Armed Forces on April 17, 1971. Serious initiative for organising the Bangladesh liberation army was taken between 11-17 July. In a meeting of the sector commanders inKolkata, four important resolutions were taken in consideration of strategic aspects of the war, existing problems and future course of resistance. These were:
§Composition and tactics of the combatants would be as follows:
§Guerrilla teams comprising 5 to 10 trained members would be sent to specific areas of Bangladesh with specific assignments
§Combat soldiers would carry out frontal attacks against the enemy. Between 50 and 100 per cent would carry arms. Intelligence volunteers would be engaged to collect information about the enemy. 30 percent of these people would be equipped with weapons;
§The regular forces would be organised into battalions and sectors.
§The following strategies would be adopted while carrying out military operations against the enemy
§A large number of guerrillas would be sent out inside Bangladesh to carry out raids and ambushes;
§Industries would be brought to a standstill and electricity supply would be disrupted;
§Pakistanis would be obstructed in exporting manufactured goods and raw materials;
§Communication network would be destroyed in order to obstruct enemy movements;
§Enemy forces would be forced to disperse and scatter for strategic gains;
§The whole area of Bangladesh would be divided into 11 sectors.
Other than the organizations of Mukti Bahini who were generally trained and armed by the Indian Army, there were independent guerrilla groups led by individual leaders, either nationalists or leftists, who were successfully controlling some areas.
[Regular and irregular forces
The regular forces later calledNiomita Bahini(regular force) consisted of the members of theEast Bengal Regiments(EBR), East Pakistan Rifles (EPR, laterBDR), police, other paramilitary forces and the general people who were commanded by the army commanders in the 11 sectors all over Bangladesh. Three major forces:Z-Forceunder the command of Major (later, Major General)Ziaur Rahman,K-Forceunder Major (later Brigadier )Khaled MosharrafandS-Forceunder Major (later Major General)K M Shafiullahwere raised afterwards to fight battles in efficient manners. Theirregularforces, generally called Gono Bahini (people’s army), were those who were trained more in guerrilla warfare than the conventional one.
The irregular forces, which after initial training joined different sectors, consisted of the students, peasants, workers and political activists. Irregular forces were initiated inside Bangladesh province to adopt guerrilla warfare against the enemy. The regular forces were engaged in fighting the usual way.
The Mukti Bahini obtained strength from the two main streams of fighting elements: members of armed forces of erstwhileEast Pakistanand members of the urban and rural youths many of whome were volunteers. Other groups included members of sangram parishads, youth and student wings ofAwami League, NAP, Leftist-Communist Parties and radical groups. The Mukti Bahini had several factions. The foremost one was organized by the members of the regular armed force, who were generally known as Freedom Fighters (FF). Then there was Bangladesh Liberation Forces (BLF) led by four youth leaders of the political wing of Sheikh Mujib’s Awami League and the third one generally known as Special Guerrilla Forces (SGF) led by the Communist Party of Bangladesh, National Awami Party, and Bangladesh Students Union. They then jointly launched guerrilla operations against thePakistani Armycausing heavy damages and casualties. This setback prompted the Pakistani Army to inductRazakars,Al-BadrsandAl-Shams(mostly members ofJamaat-e-Islamiand other Islamist groups), as well as other Bengalis who opposed independence, andBihariswho had settled during the time ofpartition. This helped Pakistan stem the tide somewhat as themonsoonapproached in the months of June and July.
Bangladesh Navy
Bangladesh Navywas constituted in August 1971. Initially, there were two ships and 45 navy personnel. These ships carried out many successful raids on the Pakistani fleet. But both of these ships were mistakenly hit and destroyed by Indian fighter planes on 10 December 1971, when they were about to launch a major attack onMonglaseaport.
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Bangladesh Air Force
Bangladesh Air Forcestarted functioning on 28 September at Dimapur inNagaland, under the command ofAir CommodoreAK Khondakar. Initially, it consisted of 17 officers, 50 technicians, 2 planes and 1 helicopter. The Air Force carried out more than twelve sorties against Pakistani targets and was quite successful during the initial stages of the Indian attack in early December.
In addition,there were some other groups of freedom fighters which were controlled by the Leftist parties and groups including the NAP and Communist Parties. Among others,Siraj Sikderraised a strong guerrilla force which fought several battles with the Pakistani soldiers in Payarabagan, Barisal. Although there were ideological conflicts among the communist parties (most notably, split into pro-soviet and pro-Chinese factions and widespread split within the pro-Chinese faction) on deciding a common action in the context of Bangladesh Liberation, many of the individuals and leaders of Mukti Bahini were deeply influenced by the leftist ideology in general. There were strong concerns among the Indian authority and members of the Awami League led provisional government not to lose the control of the liberation war to the leftists. Nevertheless many leftists overcame these internal and external difficulties and actively participated in the Liberation war with the main nucleus of the Mukti Bahini.
Me & my best friend Freedom Fighter Abdul Mannan Talukdar in The Victory Day 2009, upazila administration celebrated the freedom fighters on the victory day 2009 at syed abul hossain university college ground.
Freedom Fighter Akon Mohamed Mosharraf Hossain & Abdul Mannan Talukdar in The Victory Day 2009, upazila administration celebrated the freedom fighters on the victory day 2009 at syed abul hossain university college ground.
Operation Searchlight : The Background of 25th March Genocide Posted by xanthis on March 25, 2008 The night of massacre, 25th March 1971, was a complete military operation by Pakistan Army, officially named Operation Searchlight. The idea of this operation came to some of senior Generals after massive demonstration of East Pakistanis on 21st February 1971. This is one of very few military operations in post World War II history which ultimately had been planned against civilians, just to kill a smart percentage of them and to scare survivors. The concept of Operation Searchlight was inspired by the My Lai massacre that U.S. Army did in Vietnam. The plan was drawn up in March 1971 by Maj.Gen. Khadim Hussain Raza and Maj.Gen. Rao Farman Ali, as a result of a meeting between Pakistani army staff on the 22nd of February. Senior Pakistani officers in East Pakistan who were unwilling to support any military attack on civilians, Lt.Gen. Shahabzada Yakub Khan, GOC East Pakistan, and the governor Vice Adm. Ahsan, were relieved of their duties. As a replacement of these two officials, Lt.Gen. Tikka Khan was made both the Governor and GOC of East Pakistan. On March 17, Gen. Khadim Hussain Raza was given the go ahead to plan for the crackdown via telephone by Gen. Hamid, COS Pakistan Army. On the morning of March 18, Gen. Raza and Maj.Gen. Rao Farman Ali put the details to paper at the GOC’s office at Dhaka cantonment. The plan was written on a light blue office pad with a lead pencil by Gen. Farman containing sixteen paragraphs spread over five pages. Gen. Farman wrote out the operational premises and conditions for success, while Gen. Khadim dealt with the distribution of forces and particular tasks of the individual brigades and other units. Planners took this to consideration that the Bengali officers and other military or para-military units will revolt at the onset of operations. To minimize that risk, it was suggested that all Bengali armed units like Police, Riffles (EPR) should be disarmed and the political leadership arrested during their meeting with the President, Gen. Yahya Khan. No operational reserves were earmarked. Though the draft asked to disarm Police, EPR units, thousands of unarmed Police men & EPR troops were massacred inside Dhaka’s Police lines at Rajarbag & EPR Headquarters at Pilkhana. <!–[if gte vml 1]> <![endif]–><!–[if !vml]–>The handwritten plan was read out to Gen. Hamid and Lt.Gen. Tikka Khan on the 20th of March at the flag staff house. Gen. Hamid objected to the immediate disarming of regular army Bengali units but approved the disarming of EPR, armed police and other para-military formations. In the initial draft of the massacre plan, Pakistan’s genius Generals like Gen. Farman suggested that Awami League leaders could be arrested amid the ongoing dialogue with Gen. Yahya, but another genius Yahya Khan refused it, proved he is at least wiser than Gen. Farman . After frequent verification & scrutiny, the amended plan was approved and the operational plan was distributed to various area commanders on the 24th and the 25 March daytime, when a group of Pakistani Generals, accompanied by Gen. Hamid, Gen. Mittha, the QMG, and Col. Saadullah, PSO, visited the major garrisons via helicopter and personally briefed the various garrison commanders or senior West Pakistani officers on the operation. Gen. Mittha was the chief of the Special Services Group (SSG Commandos). SSG was given the vital role of the most dramatic chapter of total plan, the arrest of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Maj.Gen. Qamar Ali Mirza, and Brig.Gen. Harrison later arrived from West Pakistan to assist Gen. Mittha for arranging the logistical details, mainly because the non cooperation program by Awami League was causing immense impact including hampering food supplies to the military. Secrecy was maintained at extreme strictness, only a few junior commissioned officers learned about the plan beforehand on a need to know basis. Some Bengali officers had become suspicious of the all West Pakistani officer briefings. Later it showed that some of Bengali officers initiated revolts as a confused advance from their suspicions. The Operation started on the night of 25 March, 1971 in Dhaka, and other garrisons were to be alerted via phone about their zero hour to start their operations. Gen. Farman Ali commanded the forces in Dhaka, while the rest of the province was commanded by Gen. Khadim himself. Lt.Gen. Tikka Khan and his staff were present in the 31st field command center, to supervise and support the command staff of the 14th division inside Dhaka Cantonment. To the time of leaving Dhaka for Karachi, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto accompanied Gen. Tikka Khan inside the cantonment. While observing the massacre under name of ‘Operation Searchlight’, Zulfikar Ali at a moment showed interest to be taken with a military unit see what is happening in the city and asked for Gen. Tikka’s consent. Gen. Tikka refused him showing no reason.
WHY BANGLADESH? The Bengalis’ demand for independence had been forced upon the people of East Pakistan by the savage and atrocious action of the West Pakistani army government. What the Bengalis had really been wanting were regional autonomy and social and economic justice. Recent events have conclusively proved that there was no plan for secession and there was no armed preparation on the part of the Bengalis to achieve that. They were confidently expecting a good result from President Yahya Khan’s democratic gesture. But the West Pakistani army, through its systematic butchery of unarmed civilians, forced the Bengalis to take the ultimate decision-to become a completely independent sovereign state. A clear cut line has been drawn decisively, separating the Bengali speaking people of the East and the people of West Pakistan. The decision was inevitable because of the continuous exploitation of the East by the West. To the world it naturally did not come as a surprise. On the other hand many voices had been predicting it for a long time. Besides religion, there was nothing common between these two people. Ethnically, culturally, in their thought, language, way of life-in everyway they were two nations. There was no attempt towards reconciliation but only economic exploitation and social injustice. East Pakistan existed only for the benefit of the West Pakistani capitalist merchants, industrialists and contractors, for the militarists and civil bureaucrats. For the last 24 years the Pakistan Government, manned mostly by West Pakistanis, dominated the state policy aiming to develop the barren deserts of West Pakistan by a deliberate policy which impoverished East Pakistan. Cleverly enough, Pakistan Government tried its best not to reveal the figures separately to show the gross disparity. Nevertheless, from available figures, mostly official, the truth could not be kept concealed. AVERAGE ANNUAL BUDGET Total Revenue Rs. 6,000 million W.P. E.P. Expenditure on Defence Total 60% 50% 10 % Civil Expenditure Total 40 % 25% 15% While E.P. provides 60% of the total revenue, it receives only about 25% for its expenditure and West Pakistan providing 40% in the central exchequer receives 75% of the remaining. FOREIGN TRADE & EXCHANGE EARNINGS During 10 year period 1958-68 West Pakistan East PakistanExport Import Export Import£820 m £2,315 m £1,153 m £1,000 m 41% 70 % 59% 30% In foreign trade East Pakistan exports constitute 59 % of the total but imports only 30% of the imports which consists of consumer goods and food, very little is left for development projects. During the same period West Pakistan earned 41 % of the total foreign exchange and was allowed 70% of the foreign exchange earnings. Major portion of this was spent on various development projects in West Pakistan. INTER ZONAL TRADE 1964-1969 Exports from West to East Pakistan Rs. 5,292 million Exports from East to West Pakistan Rs. 3,174 million This is an example of continuous drain of East Pakistani capital to West Pakistan. It has been estimated that total transfer of resources from East Pakistan to West Pakistan since 1947 had been £3,000 million. Let us look at typical Export items for the year 1964-65: Rs. Jute and jute products (all from East Pakistan): 124,580 m Cotton & cotton manufactures (many from W.P.): 51,880 m Hides & Skins (mainly from East Pakistan): 6,130 m Tea (all from East Pakistan): 1,000 m Wool (all from West Pakistan): 7,300 m Others (East & West together): 56,200 m PERCENTAGE OF ALLOCATION OF FUNDS FOR DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS Item West Pakistan East Pakistan Foreign Exchange for various developments: 80 % 20% Foreign Aid (excluding U.S. AID): 96% 4% U.S. Aid: 66% 34% Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation: 58% 42% Pakistan Industrial Credit & Investment Corporation: 80% 20% Industrial Development Bank: 76% 24% House Building: 88% 12% ———- ——— 77 % 23% Above figures are clearly indicative for the tremendous industrial growth in West Pakistan which received 77% of the total development expenditure for its 40% of the total population. FOREIGN AID TO PAKISTAN Chinese loan to Pakistan U.S. $ 60 m in 1965 mostly spent in West Pakistan including a Heavy Machinery Complex costing U.S. $ 9 m, but only U.S. $ 125,000 for East Pakistan Water & Power Development. But the loan is to be repaid by exporting jute and jute products. World Bank credits in 1954 $ 14 m and in 1965 $ 15 m for Sui Gas Project in West Pakistan. Same source supplied $ 17 m in 1964 for Karachi Port Development and $ 30 m to Pakistan Investment and Credit Corporation to finance mostly projects in West Pakistan. International Development Association (U.N. Agency) gave a credit of $ 8.5 m to West Pakistan and $ 4.5 m to East Pakistan in 1964 for educational projects. Russian Aid of £ 11 m to £ 18 m was given to West Pakistan in 1965 for oil prospecting. U.K. Loan during the period 1947-1965 amounted to £ 64 m has been spent mostly in West Pakistan. U.S. Aid of $ 3.6 billion-$ 2.7 billion spent for Mangla Dam & Tarbela Dam in West Pakistan and only $ 0.9 billion for control of flood in East Pakistan. These loans no doubt converted the barren lands of West Pakistan into fertile ones whereas very little was done to tackle effectively the flood problem of East Pakistan-the most fertile land in the world. The people of East Pakistan had been allowed to suffer from recurring cyclones and flood disasters since 1953. COMPARATIVE INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT West Pakistan East Pakistan Established INDUSTRIAL in both wings 1947-48 1966-67 1947-48 1966-67 Cot-.on Textile production in million yds 350 6,836 508 550 1,853% increase 8.26% increase Sugar production in ‘ 000 tons 10 304 25 112 2,940 % increase 348 % increase Cement production in ‘000 tons 305 1,934 46 75 534% increase 63 % increase Above tables clearly show how the established industries in East Pakistan had been allowed to grow extremely slowly in comparison with the extremely fast growing industries in the West. With the influx of capitalists from Bombay the picture began to change rapidly. In the field of new industries, the percentage of investments in West and East Pakistan is roughly 75% and 25% respectively. Moreover, East Pakistani industries are mainly owned and controlled by the West Pakistanis whose main interest is to transfer the profits to West Pakistan instead of helping East Pakistan’s prosperity. It has been calculated that since 1947 the real transfer of resources from East to West has been to the tune of £ 3,000 million. There was no state control over private investment and as such the flow had been completely unchecked. Steel-the basic item required for any development-is now being produced in two mills in West & East Pakistan. Funds provided for these mills were £ 56 million for West Pakistan and £ 11 million for East Pakistan. AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT West Pakistan East Pakistan Fertiliser distribution during 1964-68, in ‘ 000 nutrient tons 739 66 % 371 33% Improved seed distribution during 1964-69, in ‘ 000 tons 342 89 % 40 11 % 1951-52 1966-67 1951-52 1966-67 Increase in fish production in ‘ 000 mts 56 153 175 259 273 % increase 48 % increase Distribution of tractors Wheel type (numbers) 20,069 1,825 Other large (numbers) 2,000 350 91% 9% Needless to mention that the agricultural land in East Pakistan has more acreage and most lands produce 2 to 3 crops a year, whereas in the West the acreage is less and the productivity per acre is much smaller. One fails to understand the logic in these state of affairs. In agriculture finance, the Pakistan Agricultural Development Bank has lent over Rs. 600 million, but most of these went to West Pakistani farmers. Most of the large irrigation projects have been treated as federal projects and financed by the Central Government and has been completed in West Pakistan. This was a deliberate attempt to keep the 75 million Bengalis at starvation level. In the federal army of 500,000 only 20,000 are Bengalis. Those 480,000 West Pakistanis spend their income in the West which indirectly help the economy of that part of the country. Economic experts have evidence that in 1959 an average East Pakistani was 20% worse off than another in the West. In 1968, he was 40% worse off than his brother in Islam in West Pakistan. POWER DEVELOPMENT Another criterion to measure progress is the consumption of electric power per head of the population. In Pakistan growth in power production has grown considerably. West Pakistan generates by hydel, thermal and other means a total of 838,000 KW (83% of the total) whereas East Pakistan generates 179,500 KW (17% of the total). A great share of foreign aid had been spent on various power development projects. Two giant irrigation and power development projects in Indus Basin cost $ 1800 million and WAPDA spent Rs. 1453 m in 5 years 1959-64. EDUCATION: Progress in 20 years Area West Pakistan East Pakistan 1947-48 1968-69 1947-48 1968-69 Primary Schools 8,413 39,418 29,663 28,308 Number increase Number decreases in spite 4 times of increased children 1947-48 1965-66 1947-48 1965-66 Secondary Schools 2,598 4,472 3,481 3,964 176% 114% increase increase 1947-48 1968-69 1947-48 1968-69 Colleges-various Types 40 271 50 162 675% 320% increase increase Medical/Engineering/ Agricultural colleges 4 17 3 9 425% 300% increase increase Universities 2 1 (654 scholars) (1620 scholars) 6 4 (18.708 scholars) (8,831 scholars) Increase in scholars 30 times 5 times It is interesting to note that although the school going population increased in East Pakistan the number of schools decreased through deliberate policy of neglect, whereas during the same period the Pakistan government spent vast sums of money and increased the number of schools in West Pakistan by 4} times. Was not that a systematic plan for giving the West Pakistani children a better academic start so that their future career was firmly assured? The natural result was the vast increase in the number of colleges of all kinds and universities. This is a clear evidence of Government policy aiming at keeping the East Pakistani children intellectually inferior by not providing the facilities they deserve. The end product that we see is in the number of University scholars. In East Pakistan, which had double the number of scholars in 1947, the number only increased by five times in 20 years and in West Pakistan the corresponding increase is thirty times. In the field of research and development centres established for agricultural, medical, scientific, industrial research. out of 16 centres 13 are located in West Pakistan. As far as the scholarships and training grants for studies abroad under Colombo Plan, Ford Foundation. Cotnmonwealth Aid and many others the bulk of these go to the West Pakistanis. Some of these are not even advertised in the East Pakistani press and many of these are awarded directly from West Pakistan. If we consider the question of employment, we can see the repetition of the same injustice. While the state policy on education had kept the East Pakistanis less developed, in the case of recruitment in civil, military and other services the same policy of depriving the Bengalis had been effectively carried out. Having most of the recruitment centres, they have the most advantage. Headquarters of the army, navy, air force and all central government services as well as private employees of all kind are located in West Pakistan. Most of the vacancies are either not advertised in the East Pakistani press or the practical difficulty of being interviewed is present. Moreover, the various recruitment boards consisting mostly of West Pakistanis are not so well disposed to accept an East Pakistani. In the armed forces, by making a physical standard far too high for an average Bengali, the system of eliminating the Bengali candidates had been very easy and successful. The following figures show some examples of disparity in this field: West Pakistan East Pakistan Central Civil Service 84% 16% Foreign Service 85% 15% Foreign Head of Missions (numbers) 60 9 Army 95% 5% Army: Officers of General Rank (Numbers) 16 1 Navy Technical 81% 19% Navy-non technical 91% 9% Air Force Pilots 89% 11% Armed Forces (Numbers) 500,000 20,000 Pakistan Airlines ,, 7,000 280 P.I.A. Directors ,, 9 1 P.I.A. Area Managers ,, 5 none Railway Board Directors „ 7 1 ORGANISATIONAL IMBALANCE The selection of the capital of Pakistan in Karachi in 1947 gave the West a boost to growth in all spheres. Rs. 200 million was spent on its development and when it was fully developed it was handed over to the West Pakistan provincial government. All incomes derived as a result went to the provincial government. Thereafter another Rs. 200 million was allocated for the capital development at Islamabad. A sum of only Rs. 20 million was provided for a second capital at Dacca, in East Pakistan. All the offices of the central government are located in the West including the headquarters of the army, navy and airforce and all the military academies. It is important to note that 60% of Pakistan’s budget is spent on defence and 80% of that goes to the military contractors, armed personnel who are West Pakistanis. Head offices of all the public and private establishments, e.g., State Bank of Pakistan, Pakistan International Airlines, National Bank of Pakistan and other banks, Insurance companies, Pakistan Industrial Development Corporation, National Shipping Corporation, Foreign Missions and hundred other Pakistani and foreign agencies have their head offices in West Pakistan and with their West Pakistani bosses and West Pakistani connections made sure that the policies of those organisations favour West Pakistanis. SOCIAL WELFARE In the field of social welfare, the same pattern is reflected. Let us look at some of the statistics comparing the two wings. West Pakistan East Pakistan Population 55 million 75 million Total number of doctors 12,400 7,600 Total number of Hospital beds 26,000 6,000 Rural Health Centres 325 88 Urban Community Development Centres 81 52 East Pakistan has been described as one of the poorest country in the world. Even the economists, impartial and foreign, admitted that. How does the average East Pakistani compare with his compatriat in West Pakistan? West Pakistan East Pakistan Rural Urban Rural Urban Employment of civil labour force 59 % 41 % 86% 14% In West Pakistan the industrial development provided 41 % of the total labour force, employment and a better standard of life. In East Pakistan, the poor development in industrial sphere made only 14% of the total employment available in the cities. The result is reflected in the figures for per capita income and gross domestic product. West Pakistan East Pakistan 1960 1970 1960 1970 Per Capita income in Pakistan Rupees 355 492 269 308 The difference in per capita income between East and West Pakistan had been 86 in 1960. Ten years later the difference sored to 184. In other words while the standard of living had been increasing in the West it had been declining in East Pakistan. West Pakistan East Pakistan 1959-60 1964-65 1959-60 1964-65 Gross domestic product per capital 312 391 242 297 Staple food of East Pakistani is rice and of West Pakistani is wheat. Let us compare the market price of the two. West Pakistan East Pakistan Rice per mound (82 lbs) Rs. 18 Rs. 50 Wheat per mound (82 Ibs) Rs. 10 Rs. 35 How could one expect a better health standard when the East Pakistani has to pay a far higher price for his food when his income is far below that of his compatriot in the West? The picture becomes clearer when we compare the average calories intake in rural areas. West Pakistan East Pakistan Calorie intake in rural areas in 1960-65 per head per day 1,625 1,556 In the urban areas the disparity is even greater. (Calorie intake in U.K. is 3,250). These facts and figures, backed by current available statistics, prove that East Pakistan is economically viable. The necessary resources vital for the development of a country are present, though undeveloped. Given substantial foreign aid, and opportunities to develop its natural resources, there is no reason why Bangla Desh should not be self-sufficient in course of time. World powers must realise that since Bangla Desh is fully capable of attaining economic stability, the right of selfdetermination, vital to her very existence, can no longer be denied.Above all, the injustice meted out to her, the social and economic neglect that was her share over the past two decades, justifies in all fairness that she be given the right to govern herself.—————————————————————————————— All these statistics have been taken from official and other reliable sources which include : National Planning Commission, 20 Years of Pakistan, Central Bureau of Education, Department of Investment Promotion, Central Board of Revenue, Central Statistical Office, Pakistan Year Book, 1970, Marine Fisheries Department, Pakistan Economic Survey, Government of Pakistan Budgets, Keesing’s Contemporary Archives, Financial Times, The Economist, Developponent Prospects of Pakistan (by a Norwegian Economist).